TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4222
AB  - The Great Recession of 2008 created a political opportunity for the mobilisation of various social groups, especially those most affected by the crisis. However, the two largest protest waves in Serbia - Against Dictatorship and One of Five Million, did not articulate economic grievances as the most pressing. The main question is why economic demands were so weakly expressed during these protests. Our contention is that the protesters' predominantly middle-class backgrounds and a lack of class solidarity hampered the framing of popular discontent in economic terms. The analysis here is based on surveys of the protest participants.
PB  - Taylor and Francis
T2  - East European Politics
T1  - The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia
IS  - 1
DO  - 10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vukelić, Jelisaveta and Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2023",
abstract = "The Great Recession of 2008 created a political opportunity for the mobilisation of various social groups, especially those most affected by the crisis. However, the two largest protest waves in Serbia - Against Dictatorship and One of Five Million, did not articulate economic grievances as the most pressing. The main question is why economic demands were so weakly expressed during these protests. Our contention is that the protesters' predominantly middle-class backgrounds and a lack of class solidarity hampered the framing of popular discontent in economic terms. The analysis here is based on surveys of the protest participants.",
publisher = "Taylor and Francis",
journal = "East European Politics",
title = "The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia",
number = "1",
doi = "10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850"
}

Vukelić, J.,& Pešić, J.. (2023). The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia. in East European Politics
Taylor and Francis.(1).
https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850

Vukelić J, Pešić J. The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia. in East European Politics. 2023;(1).
doi:10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850 .

Vukelić, Jelisaveta, Pešić, Jelena, "The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia" in East European Politics, no. 1 (2023),
https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3584
AB  - This paper focuses on Let’s Defend the Rivers of Stara Planina, a local environmental initiative that has managed to scale up and transnationalise (Europeanise) from below and to generate sufficient pressure on national power-holders to amend existing legislation and halt further construction of small hydropower plants in protected natural areas. Linking the concepts of environmentalism of the poor/dispossessed and the transnationalisation (Europeanisation) of environmental protests through the example of Serbian protests against small hydropower plants, we explore how a local movement grew out of a tradition of non-politicised everyday environmentalism, transformed into a rebellion of the dispossessed and then tried to organise at both national and transnational level, using assistance from EU institutions and international environmental organisations to leverage national authorities and developers, while at the same time remaining critical of certain EU environmental policies and practices. This study is based on discursive analysis of the content posted to the official Facebook group and website of Let’s Defend the Rivers of Stara Planina.
AB  - U fokusu rada je primer transnacionalizacije (evropeizacije) odozdo
lokalne ekološke inicijative „Odbranimo reke Stare planine“, koja je, zajedno sa
drugim akterima, izvršila pritisak na donosioce odluka u zemlji u cilju izmene
postojećih zakona i zabrane dalje izgradnje malih hidroelektrana u zaštićenim
parkovima prirode u Srbiji. Povezivanjem koncepata ekološkog aktivizma
siromašnih/razvlašćenih i transnacionalizacije (evropeizacije) ekoloških protesta,
na primeru inicijative protiv izgradnje mini hidroelektrana u Srbiji, istraživale
smo situaciju u kojoj se jedan lokalni pokret, nastao na tradiciji nepolitizovanog
svakodnevnog ekološkog aktivizma, transformisao u pobunu obespravljenih
(siromašnih) građana, a potom pokušao da se organizuje i na nacionalnom i na
transnacionalnom nivou, obraćajući se institucijama Evropske unije i povezujući se
sa međunarodnim ekološkim organizacijama kako bi zajedno izvršili pritisak na
nacionalne i lokalne vlasti i investitore. Istovremeno, u fokusu analize je kritički
odnos pripadnika lokalnog pokreta prema pojedinim ekološkim politikama i
inicijativama koje su potekle od institucija Evropske unije. Istraživanje se zasniva
na diskurzivnoj analizi digitalnih sadržaja (objava i komentara) na Fejsbuk grupi
i zvaničnoj internet stranici inicijative „Odbranimo reke Stare planine".
PB  - Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije i Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Europeanisation from below at the semi-periphery: the movement against small hydropower plants in Serbia
EP  - 27
IS  - 1
SP  - 5
VL  - 64
DO  - https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201005P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pešić, Jelena and Vukelić, Jelisaveta and Vukelić, Jelisaveta and Vukelić, Jelisaveta and Vukelić, Jelisaveta",
year = "2022",
abstract = "This paper focuses on Let’s Defend the Rivers of Stara Planina, a local environmental initiative that has managed to scale up and transnationalise (Europeanise) from below and to generate sufficient pressure on national power-holders to amend existing legislation and halt further construction of small hydropower plants in protected natural areas. Linking the concepts of environmentalism of the poor/dispossessed and the transnationalisation (Europeanisation) of environmental protests through the example of Serbian protests against small hydropower plants, we explore how a local movement grew out of a tradition of non-politicised everyday environmentalism, transformed into a rebellion of the dispossessed and then tried to organise at both national and transnational level, using assistance from EU institutions and international environmental organisations to leverage national authorities and developers, while at the same time remaining critical of certain EU environmental policies and practices. This study is based on discursive analysis of the content posted to the official Facebook group and website of Let’s Defend the Rivers of Stara Planina., U fokusu rada je primer transnacionalizacije (evropeizacije) odozdo
lokalne ekološke inicijative „Odbranimo reke Stare planine“, koja je, zajedno sa
drugim akterima, izvršila pritisak na donosioce odluka u zemlji u cilju izmene
postojećih zakona i zabrane dalje izgradnje malih hidroelektrana u zaštićenim
parkovima prirode u Srbiji. Povezivanjem koncepata ekološkog aktivizma
siromašnih/razvlašćenih i transnacionalizacije (evropeizacije) ekoloških protesta,
na primeru inicijative protiv izgradnje mini hidroelektrana u Srbiji, istraživale
smo situaciju u kojoj se jedan lokalni pokret, nastao na tradiciji nepolitizovanog
svakodnevnog ekološkog aktivizma, transformisao u pobunu obespravljenih
(siromašnih) građana, a potom pokušao da se organizuje i na nacionalnom i na
transnacionalnom nivou, obraćajući se institucijama Evropske unije i povezujući se
sa međunarodnim ekološkim organizacijama kako bi zajedno izvršili pritisak na
nacionalne i lokalne vlasti i investitore. Istovremeno, u fokusu analize je kritički
odnos pripadnika lokalnog pokreta prema pojedinim ekološkim politikama i
inicijativama koje su potekle od institucija Evropske unije. Istraživanje se zasniva
na diskurzivnoj analizi digitalnih sadržaja (objava i komentara) na Fejsbuk grupi
i zvaničnoj internet stranici inicijative „Odbranimo reke Stare planine".",
publisher = "Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije i Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Europeanisation from below at the semi-periphery: the movement against small hydropower plants in Serbia",
pages = "27-5",
number = "1",
volume = "64",
doi = "https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201005P"
}

Pešić, J., Vukelić, J., Vukelić, J., Vukelić, J.,& Vukelić, J.. (2022). Europeanisation from below at the semi-periphery: the movement against small hydropower plants in Serbia. in Sociologija
Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije i Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu., 64(1), 5-27.
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201005P

Pešić J, Vukelić J, Vukelić J, Vukelić J, Vukelić J. Europeanisation from below at the semi-periphery: the movement against small hydropower plants in Serbia. in Sociologija. 2022;64(1):5-27.
doi:https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201005P .

Pešić, Jelena, Vukelić, Jelisaveta, Vukelić, Jelisaveta, Vukelić, Jelisaveta, Vukelić, Jelisaveta, "Europeanisation from below at the semi-periphery: the movement against small hydropower plants in Serbia" in Sociologija, 64, no. 1 (2022):5-27,
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201005P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Jelisaveta
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3142
AB  - The authors examine the characteristics and factors shaping political activism in Serbia. Their analysis is based on a national representative sample (N = 2,211). Their research findings show that in general, Serbian citizens are more inclined to pursue certain unconventional or newer forms of political activism such as ethical and political consumption and petition-signing than older forms of political participation. Certain traditional political activities are still practised, such as membership of political parties and making direct contact with politicians, while newer ones like occupation of public spaces and protest activities are relatively rare. The analyses demonstrate that participation in both traditional and newer forms of politics becomes more likely as resources available to individuals increase, both economic and educational. Traditional forms of political participation tend to be increasingly preferred as people become older, while the unconventional forms are more popular among the younger generation.
PB  - Walter de Gruyter Gmbh
T2  - Sudosteuropa
T1  - Political Activism in Serbia
EP  - 385
IS  - 3
SP  - 365
VL  - 68
DO  - 10.1515/soeu-2020-0027
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Petrović, Jelisaveta and Stanojević, Dragan",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The authors examine the characteristics and factors shaping political activism in Serbia. Their analysis is based on a national representative sample (N = 2,211). Their research findings show that in general, Serbian citizens are more inclined to pursue certain unconventional or newer forms of political activism such as ethical and political consumption and petition-signing than older forms of political participation. Certain traditional political activities are still practised, such as membership of political parties and making direct contact with politicians, while newer ones like occupation of public spaces and protest activities are relatively rare. The analyses demonstrate that participation in both traditional and newer forms of politics becomes more likely as resources available to individuals increase, both economic and educational. Traditional forms of political participation tend to be increasingly preferred as people become older, while the unconventional forms are more popular among the younger generation.",
publisher = "Walter de Gruyter Gmbh",
journal = "Sudosteuropa",
title = "Political Activism in Serbia",
pages = "385-365",
number = "3",
volume = "68",
doi = "10.1515/soeu-2020-0027"
}

Petrović, J.,& Stanojević, D.. (2020). Political Activism in Serbia. in Sudosteuropa
Walter de Gruyter Gmbh., 68(3), 365-385.
https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2020-0027

Petrović J, Stanojević D. Political Activism in Serbia. in Sudosteuropa. 2020;68(3):365-385.
doi:10.1515/soeu-2020-0027 .

Petrović, Jelisaveta, Stanojević, Dragan, "Political Activism in Serbia" in Sudosteuropa, 68, no. 3 (2020):365-385,
https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2020-0027 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
AU  - Petrović, Jelisaveta
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3591
AB  - The political and economic crisis that followed the Great Recession (2008) created an impetus for mass mobilisation across Europe, protesting austerity measures or demanding more democracy. In Serbia, the protests organised under the slogan “One of Five Million,” which broke out in late 2018, were not framed as “economic” but solely as “political.” This paper explores the socio-historically embedded opportunities and barriers for the political articulation, mobilisation and institutionalisation of left-wing movements and organisations in Serbia by focusing on their role in the “One of Five Million” protests. We demonstrate that despite greater prospects for the rise of the Left, stemming from the global economic crisis and the adverse socio-economic outcomes of the post-socialist transformation in Serbia, an unfavourable discursive opportunity structure still presents a significant impediment for the development of left-wing political parties and movements.
PB  - Paris: Association française d'études sur les Balkans (Afebalk)
T2  - Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires
T1  - The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests
T1  - Le rôle et le positionnement de la Gauche dans le mouvement « Un sur cinq millions » en Serbie
EP  - 21
IS  - 2
SP  - 1
VL  - 15
DO  - 10.4000/balkanologie.2576
DO  - 10.4000/balkanologie.2576
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pešić, Jelena and Petrović, Jelisaveta",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The political and economic crisis that followed the Great Recession (2008) created an impetus for mass mobilisation across Europe, protesting austerity measures or demanding more democracy. In Serbia, the protests organised under the slogan “One of Five Million,” which broke out in late 2018, were not framed as “economic” but solely as “political.” This paper explores the socio-historically embedded opportunities and barriers for the political articulation, mobilisation and institutionalisation of left-wing movements and organisations in Serbia by focusing on their role in the “One of Five Million” protests. We demonstrate that despite greater prospects for the rise of the Left, stemming from the global economic crisis and the adverse socio-economic outcomes of the post-socialist transformation in Serbia, an unfavourable discursive opportunity structure still presents a significant impediment for the development of left-wing political parties and movements.",
publisher = "Paris: Association française d'études sur les Balkans (Afebalk)",
journal = "Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires",
title = "The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests, Le rôle et le positionnement de la Gauche dans le mouvement « Un sur cinq millions » en Serbie",
pages = "21-1",
number = "2",
volume = "15",
doi = "10.4000/balkanologie.2576, 10.4000/balkanologie.2576"
}

Pešić, J.,& Petrović, J.. (2020). The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests. in Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires
Paris: Association française d'études sur les Balkans (Afebalk)., 15(2), 1-21.
https://doi.org/10.4000/balkanologie.2576

Pešić J, Petrović J. The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests. in Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires. 2020;15(2):1-21.
doi:10.4000/balkanologie.2576 .

Pešić, Jelena, Petrović, Jelisaveta, "The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests" in Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires, 15, no. 2 (2020):1-21,
https://doi.org/10.4000/balkanologie.2576 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Jelisaveta
AU  - Toković, Milena
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3088
AB  - The focus of this paper is exploration of translocal spaces through examination of global-local knowledge exchange between middling migrants and 'cosmopolitan' locals in semi-peripheral urban contexts. Translocal spaces are taken as concrete places (workplace, venue of business meeting, places for entertainment and recreation, public spaces, etc.) where interactions between middling migra nts and the local population occur and where global and local knowledge, experience and practice are exchanged. The analysis is based on the results of qualitative research conducted in Belgrade (from November 2018 to March 2019). The sample is composed of 42 respondents: 21 middling migrants (well-educated transmigrants employed in international companies, developmental agencies, embassies and universities) and 21 'cosmopolitan' locals (Serbian employees in international companies and agencies who have been educated abroad and/or have a rich experience of working in a multinational environment). The paper focuses on two aspects: (1) opportunities and obstacles for global local knowledge exchange; and (2) spaces in Belgrade where this exchange most frequently occurs and that, as a consequence, become translocal.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Global-local knowledge exchange and the emergence of translocal spaces in the city: the case of Belgrade
EP  - 611
IS  - 4
SP  - 590
VL  - 62
DO  - 10.2298/SOC2004590P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Petrović, Jelisaveta and Toković, Milena",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The focus of this paper is exploration of translocal spaces through examination of global-local knowledge exchange between middling migrants and 'cosmopolitan' locals in semi-peripheral urban contexts. Translocal spaces are taken as concrete places (workplace, venue of business meeting, places for entertainment and recreation, public spaces, etc.) where interactions between middling migra nts and the local population occur and where global and local knowledge, experience and practice are exchanged. The analysis is based on the results of qualitative research conducted in Belgrade (from November 2018 to March 2019). The sample is composed of 42 respondents: 21 middling migrants (well-educated transmigrants employed in international companies, developmental agencies, embassies and universities) and 21 'cosmopolitan' locals (Serbian employees in international companies and agencies who have been educated abroad and/or have a rich experience of working in a multinational environment). The paper focuses on two aspects: (1) opportunities and obstacles for global local knowledge exchange; and (2) spaces in Belgrade where this exchange most frequently occurs and that, as a consequence, become translocal.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Global-local knowledge exchange and the emergence of translocal spaces in the city: the case of Belgrade",
pages = "611-590",
number = "4",
volume = "62",
doi = "10.2298/SOC2004590P"
}

Petrović, J.,& Toković, M.. (2020). Global-local knowledge exchange and the emergence of translocal spaces in the city: the case of Belgrade. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 62(4), 590-611.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2004590P

Petrović J, Toković M. Global-local knowledge exchange and the emergence of translocal spaces in the city: the case of Belgrade. in Sociologija. 2020;62(4):590-611.
doi:10.2298/SOC2004590P .

Petrović, Jelisaveta, Toković, Milena, "Global-local knowledge exchange and the emergence of translocal spaces in the city: the case of Belgrade" in Sociologija, 62, no. 4 (2020):590-611,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2004590P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Jelisaveta
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2992
AB  - The aim of this paper is to explorethe characteristics and relative importance of civic engagement for young members of civil society organisations in Serbia. This article is exploratory in character and is based on qualitative methodology. Youth engagement is observed through the theoretical lens of the lifecourse approach. The questions addressedbythe paper are as follows: How do young people perceive their civic engagement? What motivates their participation? How does this engagement relate to other aspects of their lifecourse? The method used here is narrative analysis of 20 semi-structured interviews conducted with young volunteers and members of civil society organisations in Serbia selected through theoretical sampling. The key finding is that there is arange of motivations and accompanying strategies - from the purely idealistic to the highly instrumental. The majority of our respondents displayed a mixed type of motivation, successfully combiningactivities aimed at protectingthe "social good" with thosethat contribute to the achievement of personal goals. Motivation, however, tends to vary between the different types of organisations, professional and grassroots. Engagement in professional organisations is more frequently instrumental and, in contrast, grassroots organisations typically attract "genuine", value-driven activists.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Between cv builder" and "genuine" activist: the many faces of youth civic engagementin Serbia
EP  - 276
IS  - 2
SP  - 259
VL  - 61
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1902259P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Petrović, Jelisaveta and Stanojević, Dragan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The aim of this paper is to explorethe characteristics and relative importance of civic engagement for young members of civil society organisations in Serbia. This article is exploratory in character and is based on qualitative methodology. Youth engagement is observed through the theoretical lens of the lifecourse approach. The questions addressedbythe paper are as follows: How do young people perceive their civic engagement? What motivates their participation? How does this engagement relate to other aspects of their lifecourse? The method used here is narrative analysis of 20 semi-structured interviews conducted with young volunteers and members of civil society organisations in Serbia selected through theoretical sampling. The key finding is that there is arange of motivations and accompanying strategies - from the purely idealistic to the highly instrumental. The majority of our respondents displayed a mixed type of motivation, successfully combiningactivities aimed at protectingthe "social good" with thosethat contribute to the achievement of personal goals. Motivation, however, tends to vary between the different types of organisations, professional and grassroots. Engagement in professional organisations is more frequently instrumental and, in contrast, grassroots organisations typically attract "genuine", value-driven activists.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Between cv builder" and "genuine" activist: the many faces of youth civic engagementin Serbia",
pages = "276-259",
number = "2",
volume = "61",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1902259P"
}

Petrović, J.,& Stanojević, D.. (2019). Between cv builder" and "genuine" activist: the many faces of youth civic engagementin Serbia. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 61(2), 259-276.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1902259P

Petrović J, Stanojević D. Between cv builder" and "genuine" activist: the many faces of youth civic engagementin Serbia. in Sociologija. 2019;61(2):259-276.
doi:10.2298/SOC1902259P .

Petrović, Jelisaveta, Stanojević, Dragan, "Between cv builder" and "genuine" activist: the many faces of youth civic engagementin Serbia" in Sociologija, 61, no. 2 (2019):259-276,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1902259P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Jelisaveta
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2882
AB  - The aim of this paper is to identify core topics, theoretical approaches and methodological techniques applied in the sociological study of the internet in Serbia. Moreover, the paper assesses obstacles and potentials for the establishment of a specialized sociological discipline - digital sociology - in Serbia. Method of content analysis is applied to the selection of scientific papers published in the two most important sociological journals in Serbia: Sociology and Sociological Review, in the period 1994-2018. Research findings show that topics typical for digital sociology do not receive enough attention among Serbian scholars, but that there are some indications of growing interest in the field. While there is still some lagging behind the developments of digital sociology in the world, the research findings suggest that the major trends have been followed. Empirical findings on the social impacts of digital technologies in Serbia present a valuable contribution to the international research efforts in this area of study.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Sociological Study of the Internet: Towards the Establishment of Digital Sociology in Serbia
EP  - 496
IS  - 4
SP  - 478
VL  - 61
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1904478P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Petrović, Jelisaveta",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The aim of this paper is to identify core topics, theoretical approaches and methodological techniques applied in the sociological study of the internet in Serbia. Moreover, the paper assesses obstacles and potentials for the establishment of a specialized sociological discipline - digital sociology - in Serbia. Method of content analysis is applied to the selection of scientific papers published in the two most important sociological journals in Serbia: Sociology and Sociological Review, in the period 1994-2018. Research findings show that topics typical for digital sociology do not receive enough attention among Serbian scholars, but that there are some indications of growing interest in the field. While there is still some lagging behind the developments of digital sociology in the world, the research findings suggest that the major trends have been followed. Empirical findings on the social impacts of digital technologies in Serbia present a valuable contribution to the international research efforts in this area of study.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Sociological Study of the Internet: Towards the Establishment of Digital Sociology in Serbia",
pages = "496-478",
number = "4",
volume = "61",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1904478P"
}

Petrović, J.. (2019). Sociological Study of the Internet: Towards the Establishment of Digital Sociology in Serbia. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 61(4), 478-496.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1904478P

Petrović J. Sociological Study of the Internet: Towards the Establishment of Digital Sociology in Serbia. in Sociologija. 2019;61(4):478-496.
doi:10.2298/SOC1904478P .

Petrović, Jelisaveta, "Sociological Study of the Internet: Towards the Establishment of Digital Sociology in Serbia" in Sociologija, 61, no. 4 (2019):478-496,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1904478P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Jelisaveta
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2554
AB  - The paper critically examines the attitude of the mainstream sociology towards the study of big data in social sciences. Content analysis of the scientific papers published in the top-tier sociological journals ranked on the Thomson Reuters Impact Factor ssci list (2000-2017) shows that, in the observed period, the issue of big data was largely neglected. This topic is still rather invisible in the mainstream sociological thought, although it draws a lot of attention outside the academia. The analysis of big data within mainstream sociology is dominated by a critical perspective, while the application of the big data analytics is quite rare. In the concluding section, the importance of the big data study for sociology is emphasised. Moreover, it is pointed out at the risk of auto-marginalization in case of neglecting the "tectonic" changes induced by the big data analytics in the space once dominated by the social sciences.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Big Data - a Big Deal for Sociology?
EP  - 582
IS  - 3
SP  - 557
VL  - 60
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1803557P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Petrović, Jelisaveta",
year = "2018",
abstract = "The paper critically examines the attitude of the mainstream sociology towards the study of big data in social sciences. Content analysis of the scientific papers published in the top-tier sociological journals ranked on the Thomson Reuters Impact Factor ssci list (2000-2017) shows that, in the observed period, the issue of big data was largely neglected. This topic is still rather invisible in the mainstream sociological thought, although it draws a lot of attention outside the academia. The analysis of big data within mainstream sociology is dominated by a critical perspective, while the application of the big data analytics is quite rare. In the concluding section, the importance of the big data study for sociology is emphasised. Moreover, it is pointed out at the risk of auto-marginalization in case of neglecting the "tectonic" changes induced by the big data analytics in the space once dominated by the social sciences.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Big Data - a Big Deal for Sociology?",
pages = "582-557",
number = "3",
volume = "60",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1803557P"
}

Petrović, J.. (2018). Big Data - a Big Deal for Sociology?. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 60(3), 557-582.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1803557P

Petrović J. Big Data - a Big Deal for Sociology?. in Sociologija. 2018;60(3):557-582.
doi:10.2298/SOC1803557P .

Petrović, Jelisaveta, "Big Data - a Big Deal for Sociology?" in Sociologija, 60, no. 3 (2018):557-582,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1803557P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Jelisaveta
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2537
AB  - Namera ovog rada je da ispita karakteristike odnosa između političkog aktivizma i planova za emigraciju među učesnicima protesta Protiv diktature. Anketno istraživanje učesnika protesta je sprovedeno u tri grada - Beogradu, Nišu i Subotici (N=175), tokom proleća 2017. godine. U radu se polazi od teorijskog modela "izlazakglas" (exit-voice) koji je razvio ekonomista Albert Hiršman (1970). Primenjen u političkom kontekstu, ovaj model dovodi u vezu politički aktivizam i planove za iseljenje na takav način da je, ukoliko postoji prostor za javno iskazivanje nezadovoljstva, sklonost emigraciji manja. S druge strane, u slučaju visokog stepena nezadovoljstva društvenim prilikama i nemogućnosti da se kroz dostupne mehanizme političke participacije na njih utiče, jedan deo građana će odlučiti da se odseli. Nalazi istraživanja pokazuju da su učesnici protesta Protiv diktature politički aktivniji u odnosu na opštu populaciju. Oni češće potpisuju peticije, protestuju, štrajkuju, kontaktiraju predstavnike vlasti i doniraju novac za različite svrhe. Drugim rečima, učesnici protesta čine samo jezgro aktivnog građanstva u Srbiji. Ipak, ni razmišljanja o emigraciji im nisu strana. Većina ispitanika je tu opciju razmatrala a iseljenju su posebno skloni mladi, studenti i radno aktivni. S obzirom na važnost postojanja aktivnog građanstva za razvoj demokratije, visoka sklonost emigraciji učesnika protesta Protiv diktature je nešto što zabrinjava. Iako se fleksibilniji oblici političkog aktivizma (učešće u protestima, okupaciji javnih prostora, štrajkovima itd.), suprotno očekivanjima, nisu pokazali statistički značajno povezanim sa planovima za emigraciju, aktivni angažman kroz političke organizacije izdvojio se kao činilac koji smanjuje šanse preseljenja u drugu zemlju, što delimično potvrđuje pretpostavke izvedene na osnovu Hiršmanovog modela.
AB  - The aim of this paper is to examine the characteristics of the relationship between political activism and plans for emigration among the participants of the protest Against dictatorship. A survey of the protest participants was conducted in three cities - Belgrade, Nis and Subotica (N = 175), during the spring of 2017. The paper starts from the "exit-voice" theoretical model, developed by economist Albert Hirschman (1970). Applied in a political context, this model links political activism and emigration plans in a way that - if there is a room for publicly expressed dissatisfaction - the propensity for emigration is lower. On the other hand, in the case of high dissatisfaction with social circumstances and the inability to influence them through available mechanisms of political participation, a number of citizens will decide to emigrate. The findings show that the participants of the protest Against dictatorship are more politically active than the overall population. They sign petitions more often, they protest, strike, contact government officials and donate money for different purposes. In other words, the Protest participants represent the core of the active citizenship in Serbia. However, they also take into consideration the possibility of leaving the country. The majority of respondents thought about this option; emigrating is particularly attractive to young people, students and the employed. Considering the importance of the active citizenship for the development of democracy, the high tendency for emigration among the Protest participants is worrisome. Although the more flexible forms of political activism (participation in protests, occupation of public spaces, strikes, etc.) - contrary to expectations - did not show statistically significant relation with emigration plans, the active engagement through political organizations distinguished itself as a factor reducing the chances of moving abroad, which partly confirms the assumptions derived from Hirschman's theoretical model.
PB  - Institut za usmeravanje komunikacija, Novi Sad i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd
T2  - CM: Communication and Media
T1  - 'Šetam da ne emigriram!' - aktivizam i emigracija iz perspektive učesnika protesta Protiv diktature
T1  - 'Walking - not to walk away!': Activism and emigration from the perspective of the protestors Against dictatorship
EP  - 56
IS  - 44
SP  - 35
VL  - 13
DO  - 10.5937/comman13-20621
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Petrović, Jelisaveta",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Namera ovog rada je da ispita karakteristike odnosa između političkog aktivizma i planova za emigraciju među učesnicima protesta Protiv diktature. Anketno istraživanje učesnika protesta je sprovedeno u tri grada - Beogradu, Nišu i Subotici (N=175), tokom proleća 2017. godine. U radu se polazi od teorijskog modela "izlazakglas" (exit-voice) koji je razvio ekonomista Albert Hiršman (1970). Primenjen u političkom kontekstu, ovaj model dovodi u vezu politički aktivizam i planove za iseljenje na takav način da je, ukoliko postoji prostor za javno iskazivanje nezadovoljstva, sklonost emigraciji manja. S druge strane, u slučaju visokog stepena nezadovoljstva društvenim prilikama i nemogućnosti da se kroz dostupne mehanizme političke participacije na njih utiče, jedan deo građana će odlučiti da se odseli. Nalazi istraživanja pokazuju da su učesnici protesta Protiv diktature politički aktivniji u odnosu na opštu populaciju. Oni češće potpisuju peticije, protestuju, štrajkuju, kontaktiraju predstavnike vlasti i doniraju novac za različite svrhe. Drugim rečima, učesnici protesta čine samo jezgro aktivnog građanstva u Srbiji. Ipak, ni razmišljanja o emigraciji im nisu strana. Većina ispitanika je tu opciju razmatrala a iseljenju su posebno skloni mladi, studenti i radno aktivni. S obzirom na važnost postojanja aktivnog građanstva za razvoj demokratije, visoka sklonost emigraciji učesnika protesta Protiv diktature je nešto što zabrinjava. Iako se fleksibilniji oblici političkog aktivizma (učešće u protestima, okupaciji javnih prostora, štrajkovima itd.), suprotno očekivanjima, nisu pokazali statistički značajno povezanim sa planovima za emigraciju, aktivni angažman kroz političke organizacije izdvojio se kao činilac koji smanjuje šanse preseljenja u drugu zemlju, što delimično potvrđuje pretpostavke izvedene na osnovu Hiršmanovog modela., The aim of this paper is to examine the characteristics of the relationship between political activism and plans for emigration among the participants of the protest Against dictatorship. A survey of the protest participants was conducted in three cities - Belgrade, Nis and Subotica (N = 175), during the spring of 2017. The paper starts from the "exit-voice" theoretical model, developed by economist Albert Hirschman (1970). Applied in a political context, this model links political activism and emigration plans in a way that - if there is a room for publicly expressed dissatisfaction - the propensity for emigration is lower. On the other hand, in the case of high dissatisfaction with social circumstances and the inability to influence them through available mechanisms of political participation, a number of citizens will decide to emigrate. The findings show that the participants of the protest Against dictatorship are more politically active than the overall population. They sign petitions more often, they protest, strike, contact government officials and donate money for different purposes. In other words, the Protest participants represent the core of the active citizenship in Serbia. However, they also take into consideration the possibility of leaving the country. The majority of respondents thought about this option; emigrating is particularly attractive to young people, students and the employed. Considering the importance of the active citizenship for the development of democracy, the high tendency for emigration among the Protest participants is worrisome. Although the more flexible forms of political activism (participation in protests, occupation of public spaces, strikes, etc.) - contrary to expectations - did not show statistically significant relation with emigration plans, the active engagement through political organizations distinguished itself as a factor reducing the chances of moving abroad, which partly confirms the assumptions derived from Hirschman's theoretical model.",
publisher = "Institut za usmeravanje komunikacija, Novi Sad i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd",
journal = "CM: Communication and Media",
title = "'Šetam da ne emigriram!' - aktivizam i emigracija iz perspektive učesnika protesta Protiv diktature, 'Walking - not to walk away!': Activism and emigration from the perspective of the protestors Against dictatorship",
pages = "56-35",
number = "44",
volume = "13",
doi = "10.5937/comman13-20621"
}

Petrović, J.. (2018). 'Šetam da ne emigriram!' - aktivizam i emigracija iz perspektive učesnika protesta Protiv diktature. in CM: Communication and Media
Institut za usmeravanje komunikacija, Novi Sad i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd., 13(44), 35-56.
https://doi.org/10.5937/comman13-20621

Petrović J. 'Šetam da ne emigriram!' - aktivizam i emigracija iz perspektive učesnika protesta Protiv diktature. in CM: Communication and Media. 2018;13(44):35-56.
doi:10.5937/comman13-20621 .

Petrović, Jelisaveta, "'Šetam da ne emigriram!' - aktivizam i emigracija iz perspektive učesnika protesta Protiv diktature" in CM: Communication and Media, 13, no. 44 (2018):35-56,
https://doi.org/10.5937/comman13-20621 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Jelisaveta
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2400
AB  - Almost a million people from Middle East and North Africa have passed through the territory of Serbia on their way to Western Europe during 2015 and 2016. Although Serbia has predominantly been a transit country for migrants, this re-cent passage of a large number of people, as well as a longer retention of some migrants, opened up a number of questions on capacities for emergent acceptance but also on long term integration of this population. The paper examines the characteristics of citizens' attitudes towards the migrant population with the intention of determining which perspective - security, hu-manitarian or integrative - is being distinguished as a dominant one? Under the security perspective, it is understood that migrants pose a potential risk for the security of domestic population. The humanitarian perspective refers to a belief that migrants need to be provided with necessary assistance on their way to desti-nation countries. The third, integrative perspective represents the "most open" attitude towards migrants and implies that it is necessary to provide the oppor-tunity for more permanent integration of the migrant population. In addition to that, the paper examines the existence of statistically significant variations in the degree of acceptance of the attitudes measuring mentioned perspectives in terms of socio-demographic and socio-cultural factors. The analysis is based on the data collected through the survey conducted in the spring of 2016 on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (without Kosovo) that numbered 998 respondents. Findings show that the humanitarian perspective is the most prevalent in the population, which is in line with the transitional char-acter of migration. Ethnic distance is the most influential factor in shaping atti-tudes towards migrants. This finding indicates that attitudes toward migrants are more the result of the socio-psychological factors than the micro-structural factors or the demographic and cultural characteristics. Furthermore, this finding points to the deeper historical roots of factors shaping the examined perspectives, but also indicates the directions of potential positive action through the breaking of negative stereotypes and formulation of adequate strategies for the promotion of multicultural societies.
PB  - Institut društvenih nauka - Centar za demografska istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Stanovništvo
T1  - Izmedu integracije, bezbednosti i humanitarnosti: stavovi građana Srbije o migrantima
T1  - Between integration, security and humanitarianism: Serbian Citi-zens' attitudes towards migrants
EP  - 51
IS  - 2
SP  - 25
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.2298/STNV1702025P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Petrović, Jelisaveta and Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Almost a million people from Middle East and North Africa have passed through the territory of Serbia on their way to Western Europe during 2015 and 2016. Although Serbia has predominantly been a transit country for migrants, this re-cent passage of a large number of people, as well as a longer retention of some migrants, opened up a number of questions on capacities for emergent acceptance but also on long term integration of this population. The paper examines the characteristics of citizens' attitudes towards the migrant population with the intention of determining which perspective - security, hu-manitarian or integrative - is being distinguished as a dominant one? Under the security perspective, it is understood that migrants pose a potential risk for the security of domestic population. The humanitarian perspective refers to a belief that migrants need to be provided with necessary assistance on their way to desti-nation countries. The third, integrative perspective represents the "most open" attitude towards migrants and implies that it is necessary to provide the oppor-tunity for more permanent integration of the migrant population. In addition to that, the paper examines the existence of statistically significant variations in the degree of acceptance of the attitudes measuring mentioned perspectives in terms of socio-demographic and socio-cultural factors. The analysis is based on the data collected through the survey conducted in the spring of 2016 on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (without Kosovo) that numbered 998 respondents. Findings show that the humanitarian perspective is the most prevalent in the population, which is in line with the transitional char-acter of migration. Ethnic distance is the most influential factor in shaping atti-tudes towards migrants. This finding indicates that attitudes toward migrants are more the result of the socio-psychological factors than the micro-structural factors or the demographic and cultural characteristics. Furthermore, this finding points to the deeper historical roots of factors shaping the examined perspectives, but also indicates the directions of potential positive action through the breaking of negative stereotypes and formulation of adequate strategies for the promotion of multicultural societies.",
publisher = "Institut društvenih nauka - Centar za demografska istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Stanovništvo",
title = "Izmedu integracije, bezbednosti i humanitarnosti: stavovi građana Srbije o migrantima, Between integration, security and humanitarianism: Serbian Citi-zens' attitudes towards migrants",
pages = "51-25",
number = "2",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.2298/STNV1702025P"
}

Petrović, J.,& Pešić, J.. (2017). Izmedu integracije, bezbednosti i humanitarnosti: stavovi građana Srbije o migrantima. in Stanovništvo
Institut društvenih nauka - Centar za demografska istraživanja, Beograd., 55(2), 25-51.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STNV1702025P

Petrović J, Pešić J. Izmedu integracije, bezbednosti i humanitarnosti: stavovi građana Srbije o migrantima. in Stanovništvo. 2017;55(2):25-51.
doi:10.2298/STNV1702025P .

Petrović, Jelisaveta, Pešić, Jelena, "Izmedu integracije, bezbednosti i humanitarnosti: stavovi građana Srbije o migrantima" in Stanovništvo, 55, no. 2 (2017):25-51,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STNV1702025P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Jelisaveta
AU  - Petrović, Dalibor
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2381
AB  - The aim of this paper is to examine the organizational background of the protests "Against dictatorship" that took place in several Serbian towns, in the spring of 2017. The absence of the official organizers and the role social networking sites played in terms of communication, organization and coordination of the protest events, raises the following question: Could the protest "Against dictatorship" be considered as an example of a digitally enabled "connective" action? According to the connective action" approach (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012, 2013), in the information society a new connective" form of collective action is emerging as a result of personalization of political action that occurs within new socio-technological environment. Connective action is enabled by innovative technological opportunities for individual participation in collective ventures and supported by the role that ICTs play as "stitching" and organizing agents of collective action. In such circumstances, conventional social movement organizations and solid collective identities seem to become far less necessary. The analysis of the data collected in the field (N = 175) and in the online survey of the experiences and attitudes towards the protest (N=225), leads to the conclusion that the organizational background of the protest "Against dictatorship" is closest to the ideal-type of "self-organized network", as one of the two basic models of connective action. In the concluding part of this paper, the authors argue that the connective action" model is adequate for the interpretation of the emergence of the digitally mediated protests. However, with the transformation of protests into more solid and stable forms of collective action, this model loses its explanatory power.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Connective Action as the New Pattern of Protest Activism
EP  - 426
IS  - 4
SP  - 405
VL  - 59
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1704405P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Petrović, Jelisaveta and Petrović, Dalibor",
year = "2017",
abstract = "The aim of this paper is to examine the organizational background of the protests "Against dictatorship" that took place in several Serbian towns, in the spring of 2017. The absence of the official organizers and the role social networking sites played in terms of communication, organization and coordination of the protest events, raises the following question: Could the protest "Against dictatorship" be considered as an example of a digitally enabled "connective" action? According to the connective action" approach (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012, 2013), in the information society a new connective" form of collective action is emerging as a result of personalization of political action that occurs within new socio-technological environment. Connective action is enabled by innovative technological opportunities for individual participation in collective ventures and supported by the role that ICTs play as "stitching" and organizing agents of collective action. In such circumstances, conventional social movement organizations and solid collective identities seem to become far less necessary. The analysis of the data collected in the field (N = 175) and in the online survey of the experiences and attitudes towards the protest (N=225), leads to the conclusion that the organizational background of the protest "Against dictatorship" is closest to the ideal-type of "self-organized network", as one of the two basic models of connective action. In the concluding part of this paper, the authors argue that the connective action" model is adequate for the interpretation of the emergence of the digitally mediated protests. However, with the transformation of protests into more solid and stable forms of collective action, this model loses its explanatory power.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Connective Action as the New Pattern of Protest Activism",
pages = "426-405",
number = "4",
volume = "59",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1704405P"
}

Petrović, J.,& Petrović, D.. (2017). Connective Action as the New Pattern of Protest Activism. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 59(4), 405-426.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1704405P

Petrović J, Petrović D. Connective Action as the New Pattern of Protest Activism. in Sociologija. 2017;59(4):405-426.
doi:10.2298/SOC1704405P .

Petrović, Jelisaveta, Petrović, Dalibor, "Connective Action as the New Pattern of Protest Activism" in Sociologija, 59, no. 4 (2017):405-426,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1704405P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vuletić, Vladimir
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2220
AB  - U radu se razmatraju različite upotrebe i razumevanje pojma civilno društvo u domaćoj sociologiji. Analizirani su radovi objavljeni u tri reprezentativna sociološka časopisa - Sociologija, Teme i Sociološki pregled objavljeni u periodu nakon 2000. godine. Prelaz između dva milenijuma se smatra prekretnim za ovu oblast razmatranja jer je sa promenom vladajućeg režima došlo i do jasnijeg usmeravanja u pravcu evrointegracija Srbije, i preuzimanja zapadnoevropskih tekovina. U tom kontekstu civilno društvo kao vrednost, politički projekat i naučni koncept postaje posebno društveno značajan. Međutim, uprkos očekivanjima da će radovi koji se bave civilnim društvom biti relativno brojni, analiza je pokazala da je ovaj koncept mahom ostao izvan glavnih tokova socioloških razmatranja. Autori ovog rada su mišljenja da je izostavljanje koncepta civilnog društva iz mejnstrim socioloških analiza i diskusija, pre svega, posledica kritičnosti koju sociolozi iskazuju prema pojmu civilno društvo.
AB  - This paper discusses the different use and understanding of the concept of civil society in Serbian sociology. We analyzed The articles published in the three representative sociological journals - Sociology, Themes and Sociological Review - published in the period after 2000. The transition between the two millennia is considered to be important in this area, since the regime change led to the more straightforward direction towards European integration of Serbia, and to the adoption of the Western values and standards. In this context, civil society as a political project and the scientific concept became especially socially relevant. However, despite the expectation that scientific papers and studies dealing with the concept of civil society will be relatively numerous, analysis has shown that the concept mostly remained outside the main currents of sociological thought. The authors suggest that the omission of the concept of civil society from the mainstream sociological analysis and discussion, is primarily a result of criticism that sociologists generally present towards the concept of civil society.
PB  - Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Sociološki pregled
T1  - Odnos akademske sociologije u Srbiji prema civilnom društvu - analiza upotrebe pojma civilno društvo u tri sociološka časopisa u Srbiji
T1  - The attitude of academic sociology in Serbia towards civil society: Analysis of the use of the concept of civil society in the three sociological journals in Serbia
EP  - 298
IS  - 3
SP  - 277
VL  - 50
DO  - 10.5937/socpreg1603277V
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vuletić, Vladimir and Vukelić, Jelisaveta",
year = "2016",
abstract = "U radu se razmatraju različite upotrebe i razumevanje pojma civilno društvo u domaćoj sociologiji. Analizirani su radovi objavljeni u tri reprezentativna sociološka časopisa - Sociologija, Teme i Sociološki pregled objavljeni u periodu nakon 2000. godine. Prelaz između dva milenijuma se smatra prekretnim za ovu oblast razmatranja jer je sa promenom vladajućeg režima došlo i do jasnijeg usmeravanja u pravcu evrointegracija Srbije, i preuzimanja zapadnoevropskih tekovina. U tom kontekstu civilno društvo kao vrednost, politički projekat i naučni koncept postaje posebno društveno značajan. Međutim, uprkos očekivanjima da će radovi koji se bave civilnim društvom biti relativno brojni, analiza je pokazala da je ovaj koncept mahom ostao izvan glavnih tokova socioloških razmatranja. Autori ovog rada su mišljenja da je izostavljanje koncepta civilnog društva iz mejnstrim socioloških analiza i diskusija, pre svega, posledica kritičnosti koju sociolozi iskazuju prema pojmu civilno društvo., This paper discusses the different use and understanding of the concept of civil society in Serbian sociology. We analyzed The articles published in the three representative sociological journals - Sociology, Themes and Sociological Review - published in the period after 2000. The transition between the two millennia is considered to be important in this area, since the regime change led to the more straightforward direction towards European integration of Serbia, and to the adoption of the Western values and standards. In this context, civil society as a political project and the scientific concept became especially socially relevant. However, despite the expectation that scientific papers and studies dealing with the concept of civil society will be relatively numerous, analysis has shown that the concept mostly remained outside the main currents of sociological thought. The authors suggest that the omission of the concept of civil society from the mainstream sociological analysis and discussion, is primarily a result of criticism that sociologists generally present towards the concept of civil society.",
publisher = "Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Sociološki pregled",
title = "Odnos akademske sociologije u Srbiji prema civilnom društvu - analiza upotrebe pojma civilno društvo u tri sociološka časopisa u Srbiji, The attitude of academic sociology in Serbia towards civil society: Analysis of the use of the concept of civil society in the three sociological journals in Serbia",
pages = "298-277",
number = "3",
volume = "50",
doi = "10.5937/socpreg1603277V"
}

Vuletić, V.,& Vukelić, J.. (2016). Odnos akademske sociologije u Srbiji prema civilnom društvu - analiza upotrebe pojma civilno društvo u tri sociološka časopisa u Srbiji. in Sociološki pregled
Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd., 50(3), 277-298.
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1603277V

Vuletić V, Vukelić J. Odnos akademske sociologije u Srbiji prema civilnom društvu - analiza upotrebe pojma civilno društvo u tri sociološka časopisa u Srbiji. in Sociološki pregled. 2016;50(3):277-298.
doi:10.5937/socpreg1603277V .

Vuletić, Vladimir, Vukelić, Jelisaveta, "Odnos akademske sociologije u Srbiji prema civilnom društvu - analiza upotrebe pojma civilno društvo u tri sociološka časopisa u Srbiji" in Sociološki pregled, 50, no. 3 (2016):277-298,
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1603277V . .

TY  - THES
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta S.
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/4846
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=2484
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:10517/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=525427863
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3639
AB  - Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstupostsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmetbavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u komesu izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja.U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualnii metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi moglebiti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta isloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju sukombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova ipraksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnihsamouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinihorganizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkimproblemima - Panĉeva i Bora.Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkogpokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa,kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristikaosnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovorna pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da uSrbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakavje prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustvaelemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno uzemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modelaekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime,za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉkudimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" pokarakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnihreformi, drţava povukla. Pored nerazvijenosti konfliktne (politiĉke) dimenzije, ekološkitreći sektor odlikuje i atomizovano delanje profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija, kojesamo izuzetno (pod spoljnim pritiscima ili podsticajima) uspostavljaju fiziĉke veze(mreţe) meĊu sobom, dok se na planu kolektivnog identiteta razvija samo kognitivnadimenzija (formalno prihvatanje odreĊenih ekoloških vrednosti i naĉela koja ĉinesastavni deo ekološkog diskursa dominantnog na Zapadu). GraĊani, po pravilu, nisuukljuĉeni u rad ovih organizacija, izuzev kao korisnici usluga.U trećem delu rada se razmatraju razlozi usled kojih ne dolazi do razvojaparticipativnog i/ili transakcionog ekološkog pokreta (aktivizma). Za potrebeobjašnjenja nastanka specifiĉne hibridne forme ekološkog trećeg sektora, kreiran jesintetiĉki eksplanatorni model koji kombinuje elemente razvijene u okviru razliĉitihteorijskih pristupa fenomenu društvenih pokreta. Eksplanatorna shema je formulisanana sledeći naĉin: za pokretanje kolektivnog delanja i nastanak ekološkog pokretaneophodno da prethodno budu ispunjeni sledeći uslovi: potrebno je da postoji izvesnosocijalno-konstruisano nezadovoljstvo (problem) kod većeg broja pojedinaca /profesionalnih zastupniĉkih organizacija (socijalno-konstruktivistiĉka reinterpretacijaklasiĉnih pristupa); zatim, grupa pojedinaca koja oseća dati problem / zalaţe se zanjegovo rešavanje, mora posedovati odreĊene resurse za pokretanje i odrţavanje5kolektivne akcije (pristup teorije mobilizacije resursa); šire okruţenje treba da buderelativno povoljno kako bi nagovestilo mogućnost pozitivnog ishoda aktivnosti koja seţeli realizovati (pristup strukture politiĉkih mogućnosti), a vrednosni okvir na takavnaĉin podešen da usmerava na delanje predstavnike profesionalnih ekološkihorganizacija i / ili neposredno ugroţenu populaciju (nezadovoljne) i (eventualno) širikrug podrţavalaca (pristup Novih društvenih pokreta). Na proces formiranja ekološkogpokreta, kroz ĉetiri neposredna faktora (socijalna-konstrukcija ekoloških rizika,dostupnost i karakteristike resursa, struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti, vrednosnisistem),indirektno deluju širi društveni procesi - postsocijalistiĉka transformacija ievropeizacija srpskog društva, kao i ĉinioci duţeg trajanja ((pred)socijalistiĉko nasleĊe).Testiranje postavljenih eksplikativnih hipoteza je pokazalo da ni jedan od uslovaneophodnih za formiranje ekološkog pokreta, nije delimiĉno ili u potpunosti zadovoljen.Postojeći ekološki problemi su dominantno odreĊeni u kategorijama niskogrizika i male vaţnosti u odnosu na druga društvena pitanja, usled ĉega je i njihovpodsticajni kapacitet za kolektivnu (re)akciju bitno sniţen. Pored toga, vladajućeshvatanje prema kome u ekološkoj modernizaciji leţi rešenje za gotovo sve ekološkeprobleme, pokazuje se kao ĉinilac koji nepovoljno utiĉe na graĊanski aktivizam, jerupućuje na pasivno išĉekivanje uvoĊenja obećanih mehanizama odrţivog razvoja.Većini graĊana na raspolaganju stoji vrlo ograniĉena koliĉina resursa, usledĉega, u velikom broju sluĉajeva, oni odustaju od uĉešća u ekološkim akcijama.Ekološke organizacije, takoĊe, imaju poteškoća da obezbede neophodne resurse za rad,a dodatni problem predstavlja i naĉin njihove mobilizacije, usled kojeg gubesamostalnost postajući zavisne od stranih izvora finansiranja. Kao posledica, ekološkodelanje je atomizovano, a rivalitet i konflikti unutar ekološkog civilnog sektora,naglašeni; ekološke mreţe se teško formiraju i odrţavaju, kolektivni identitet je slab(nad njim prevagu odnose partikularni interesi), a kritiĉko delovanje ekološkihorganizacija, nerazvijeno.Struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti se, uprkos postojanju relativno povoljnogzakonskog okvira, pokazuje zatvorenom prema uĉešću graĊana u donošenju odluka.GraĊani percipiraju predstavnike vlasti kao neprijemĉive za njihove potrebe, što senepovoljno odraţava na njihovu spremnost da se organizuju i pokušaju da nametnusvoje zahteve. S druge strane, ekološke organizacije su iskljuĉene iz procesaodluĉivanja i svedene na ulogu asistenata u podizanju kapaciteta drţave za sprovoĊenjeprograma u oblasti zaštite ţivotne sredine. Konfliktno delanje organizacija jeograniĉeno, s jedne strane, time što ne dobijaju podršku moćnih aktera (meĊunarodneekološke organizacije, strani donatori), a sa druge, finansijskim uslovljavanjem odstrane drţavnih struktura.Karakteristike kulturološkog konteksta se, takoĊe, pokazuju nepovoljnim zarazvoj ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji. Dominacija materijalistiĉkog sistema vrednosti i snjim povezano visoko vrednovanje ekonomskog razvoja, koje u senci ostavlja ekološkeprobleme, negativno utiĉe na ekološko aktiviranje graĊana. Ipak, uprkos preteţnomaterijalistiĉkoj vrednosnoj orijentaciji, graĊanima su vrlo bliske vrednosti Noveekološke paradigme. MeĊutim, od naĉelnog prihvatanja vrednosti karakteristiĉnih zaovu paradigmu do aktivnog delanja, u kontekstu materijalne oskudice, put je dug i vrloneizvestan.Zakljuĉno poglavlje je posvećeno rezimiranju i diskusiji empirijskih nalaza, kaoi razmatranju širih implikacija nerazvijenosti ekološkog pokreta na zaštitu ţivotnesredine u Srbiji.
AB  - he environmental movement in Serbia, in the context of post-socialist transformationand the EU integration process. The paper consists of three major parts and theconcluding chapter.In the first part a comparative - historical, contextual, conceptual andmethodological framework of the research is developed, as a starting point for thefurther analyses. In order to capture all relevant dimensions of the complexphenomenon of environmental movement and the composite set of factors that influenceits emergence and development, the study is using a combination of differentmethodological techniques: a survey of attitudes and practices based on a representativesample of Serbian citizens (N = 1952) and local government representatives (N = 232),in parallel with the semi-structured interviews with representatives of non-governmentalorganizations (N = 44), and the two case studies of communities with seriousenvironmental problems – the municipalities of Pancevo and Bor.The second part contains the description and analysis of individual elements ofthe environmental movement: environmental activists, environmental groups /organizations, environmental networks, collective identity and environmental conflicts.Based on a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the key elements of environmentalmovement, the concluding chapter of this part of the paper offers an answer to thequestion - is there an environmental movement in Serbia? The main research finding isthat participatory type of environmental movement that is typical for the Westerncountries has not been formed in Serbia. There are even no indications of the existenceof significant elements of transactional environmental activism (movement), that ispresent in the countries of Central Europe. Instead, we are witnessing the developmentof a distinct model of collective environmental action that we have named "the thirdenvironmental sector". Different from the participative and transactional activism whichhave an emphasized political dimension, the nature of the activities of the third sectororganizations is mostly "non-political", aimed at providing services in those areas thatthe state has withdrew from, in the context of neo-liberal reforms. In addition to theunderdeveloped conflict/political dimension, the environmental third sector ischaracterized by atomized actions of professional environmental organizations, whichestablish physical connections (networks) among themselves only as an exception(under external pressures or incentives), while at the level of collective identity only thecognitive dimension is being developed (the formal acceptance of the environmentalvalues and principles which form an integral part of the environmental discoursedominant in the West). Citizens, as a rule, are not included in the work of theseorganizations, except as users of services.In the third part, the reasons for the absence of the participatory and / ortransactional environmental movement (activism) are discussed. In order to explain theemergence of the specific hybrid form of the environmental third sector, a syntheticexplanatory model was established, combining elements developed within differentsocial movement theories. The explanatory scheme has been formulated as follows: forthe launch of collective action and the emergence of the environmental movementcertain conditions are necessary to be met - a certain level of socially-constructed8dissatisfaction (problem) needs to be generated in large numbers of individuals /professional advocacy organizations (social constructivist reinterpretation of classicalapproaches); then, a group of individuals who perceive the problem / advocates for itssolution must possess appropriate resources to initiate and sustain a collective action(the Resource Mobilization Theory approach); the wider context should be relativelyfavorable as to suggest the possibility of a positive outcome of the action (the PoliticalOpportunities Structure approach); the value framework should be set up in such a wayto initiate the action of professional environmental organizations and / or the directlyaffected population, and possibly also of a wider circle of supporters (the New SocialMovements approach). Through the four direct factors (social – construction ofenvironmental risks, the availability and characteristics of resources, the structure ofpolitical opportunities, the value system), the process of development of theenvironmental movement is indirectly affected by wider-scale social processes – thepost-socialist transformation and Europeanization of Serbian society, as well as by thefactors of longer duration ((pre-) socialist heritage).The testing of the set of explicativehypotheses showed that the necessary pre-conditions for the formation of theenvironmental movement in Serbia have neither been fully, nor even partially met.In comparison with other issues, the existing environmental problems aredominantly defined in the terms of low-risk and low-importance, due to which theircapacities to induce collective (re)action are significantly reduced. In addition, theprevailing concept of environmental modernization, presented as a solution to almost allenvironmental problems, proves to be a factor that adversely affects civic activism, as itleads to passive anticipation of the promised introduction of mechanisms for sustainabledevelopment.Since the majority of citizens have access only to very limited resources, they, inmany cases, tend to give up their participation in environmental actions. Environmentalorganizations also face difficulties in obtaining necessary resources for their operation.An additional problem lies in the way resources are being mobilized: becomingincreasingly dependent on foreign funding, organizations tend to lose their autonomy.As a result, the environmental action is atomized and rivalries and conflicts within theenvironmental civil society accentuated; environmental networks are difficult toestablish and maintain and the collective identity is weak (due to domination ofparticular interests); the conflictual dimension of environmental organizations remainsundeveloped.Despite the relatively favorable legal framework, the structure of politicalopportunities seems closed to the participation of citizens in the decision-makingprocess. Citizens perceive government representatives as unresponsive to their needs,which negatively affects their readiness to act in an organized way and to attempt toimpose their demands. On the other hand, environmental organizations are excludedfrom the decision-making process and reduced to the assisting role in the capacitybuilding of the state bodies for the implementation of programs in the field ofenvironmental protection. Conflicting action of such organizations is limited, on the onehand by the lack of support from powerful actors (international environmentalorganizations, international donors), and on the other - by the financial preconditionsimposed by the state authorities.The characteristics of the cultural context also appear to be unfavorable for thedevelopment of the environmental movement in Serbia. The dominance of thematerialistic value system and the related high priority attributed to the economic9growth, leaves the environmental problems on the margins, thus negatively affecting theenvironmental activation of citizens. However, despite the predominantly materialisticvalue orientation, the values of the New environmental paradigm are very familiar to thecitizens. Still, in the context of material insecurity, the road from the general acceptanceof such values to active action towards reaching them, is long and very uncertain.The concluding chapter is devoted to summarizing and discussing the empiricalfindings, as well as to considerations of implications of the under-developedenvironmental movement to the overall state of environmental protection in Serbia.
PB  - Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет
T2  - Универзитет у Београду
T1  - Mogućnosti nastanka i razvoja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalističke transformacije
T1  - Potentials of emergence and development of environmental movement in Serbia in the postsocialist context
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_4846
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Vukelić, Jelisaveta S.",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstupostsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmetbavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u komesu izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja.U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualnii metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi moglebiti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta isloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju sukombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova ipraksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnihsamouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinihorganizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkimproblemima - Panĉeva i Bora.Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkogpokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa,kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristikaosnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovorna pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da uSrbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakavje prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustvaelemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno uzemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modelaekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime,za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉkudimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" pokarakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnihreformi, drţava povukla. Pored nerazvijenosti konfliktne (politiĉke) dimenzije, ekološkitreći sektor odlikuje i atomizovano delanje profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija, kojesamo izuzetno (pod spoljnim pritiscima ili podsticajima) uspostavljaju fiziĉke veze(mreţe) meĊu sobom, dok se na planu kolektivnog identiteta razvija samo kognitivnadimenzija (formalno prihvatanje odreĊenih ekoloških vrednosti i naĉela koja ĉinesastavni deo ekološkog diskursa dominantnog na Zapadu). GraĊani, po pravilu, nisuukljuĉeni u rad ovih organizacija, izuzev kao korisnici usluga.U trećem delu rada se razmatraju razlozi usled kojih ne dolazi do razvojaparticipativnog i/ili transakcionog ekološkog pokreta (aktivizma). Za potrebeobjašnjenja nastanka specifiĉne hibridne forme ekološkog trećeg sektora, kreiran jesintetiĉki eksplanatorni model koji kombinuje elemente razvijene u okviru razliĉitihteorijskih pristupa fenomenu društvenih pokreta. Eksplanatorna shema je formulisanana sledeći naĉin: za pokretanje kolektivnog delanja i nastanak ekološkog pokretaneophodno da prethodno budu ispunjeni sledeći uslovi: potrebno je da postoji izvesnosocijalno-konstruisano nezadovoljstvo (problem) kod većeg broja pojedinaca /profesionalnih zastupniĉkih organizacija (socijalno-konstruktivistiĉka reinterpretacijaklasiĉnih pristupa); zatim, grupa pojedinaca koja oseća dati problem / zalaţe se zanjegovo rešavanje, mora posedovati odreĊene resurse za pokretanje i odrţavanje5kolektivne akcije (pristup teorije mobilizacije resursa); šire okruţenje treba da buderelativno povoljno kako bi nagovestilo mogućnost pozitivnog ishoda aktivnosti koja seţeli realizovati (pristup strukture politiĉkih mogućnosti), a vrednosni okvir na takavnaĉin podešen da usmerava na delanje predstavnike profesionalnih ekološkihorganizacija i / ili neposredno ugroţenu populaciju (nezadovoljne) i (eventualno) širikrug podrţavalaca (pristup Novih društvenih pokreta). Na proces formiranja ekološkogpokreta, kroz ĉetiri neposredna faktora (socijalna-konstrukcija ekoloških rizika,dostupnost i karakteristike resursa, struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti, vrednosnisistem),indirektno deluju širi društveni procesi - postsocijalistiĉka transformacija ievropeizacija srpskog društva, kao i ĉinioci duţeg trajanja ((pred)socijalistiĉko nasleĊe).Testiranje postavljenih eksplikativnih hipoteza je pokazalo da ni jedan od uslovaneophodnih za formiranje ekološkog pokreta, nije delimiĉno ili u potpunosti zadovoljen.Postojeći ekološki problemi su dominantno odreĊeni u kategorijama niskogrizika i male vaţnosti u odnosu na druga društvena pitanja, usled ĉega je i njihovpodsticajni kapacitet za kolektivnu (re)akciju bitno sniţen. Pored toga, vladajućeshvatanje prema kome u ekološkoj modernizaciji leţi rešenje za gotovo sve ekološkeprobleme, pokazuje se kao ĉinilac koji nepovoljno utiĉe na graĊanski aktivizam, jerupućuje na pasivno išĉekivanje uvoĊenja obećanih mehanizama odrţivog razvoja.Većini graĊana na raspolaganju stoji vrlo ograniĉena koliĉina resursa, usledĉega, u velikom broju sluĉajeva, oni odustaju od uĉešća u ekološkim akcijama.Ekološke organizacije, takoĊe, imaju poteškoća da obezbede neophodne resurse za rad,a dodatni problem predstavlja i naĉin njihove mobilizacije, usled kojeg gubesamostalnost postajući zavisne od stranih izvora finansiranja. Kao posledica, ekološkodelanje je atomizovano, a rivalitet i konflikti unutar ekološkog civilnog sektora,naglašeni; ekološke mreţe se teško formiraju i odrţavaju, kolektivni identitet je slab(nad njim prevagu odnose partikularni interesi), a kritiĉko delovanje ekološkihorganizacija, nerazvijeno.Struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti se, uprkos postojanju relativno povoljnogzakonskog okvira, pokazuje zatvorenom prema uĉešću graĊana u donošenju odluka.GraĊani percipiraju predstavnike vlasti kao neprijemĉive za njihove potrebe, što senepovoljno odraţava na njihovu spremnost da se organizuju i pokušaju da nametnusvoje zahteve. S druge strane, ekološke organizacije su iskljuĉene iz procesaodluĉivanja i svedene na ulogu asistenata u podizanju kapaciteta drţave za sprovoĊenjeprograma u oblasti zaštite ţivotne sredine. Konfliktno delanje organizacija jeograniĉeno, s jedne strane, time što ne dobijaju podršku moćnih aktera (meĊunarodneekološke organizacije, strani donatori), a sa druge, finansijskim uslovljavanjem odstrane drţavnih struktura.Karakteristike kulturološkog konteksta se, takoĊe, pokazuju nepovoljnim zarazvoj ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji. Dominacija materijalistiĉkog sistema vrednosti i snjim povezano visoko vrednovanje ekonomskog razvoja, koje u senci ostavlja ekološkeprobleme, negativno utiĉe na ekološko aktiviranje graĊana. Ipak, uprkos preteţnomaterijalistiĉkoj vrednosnoj orijentaciji, graĊanima su vrlo bliske vrednosti Noveekološke paradigme. MeĊutim, od naĉelnog prihvatanja vrednosti karakteristiĉnih zaovu paradigmu do aktivnog delanja, u kontekstu materijalne oskudice, put je dug i vrloneizvestan.Zakljuĉno poglavlje je posvećeno rezimiranju i diskusiji empirijskih nalaza, kaoi razmatranju širih implikacija nerazvijenosti ekološkog pokreta na zaštitu ţivotnesredine u Srbiji., he environmental movement in Serbia, in the context of post-socialist transformationand the EU integration process. The paper consists of three major parts and theconcluding chapter.In the first part a comparative - historical, contextual, conceptual andmethodological framework of the research is developed, as a starting point for thefurther analyses. In order to capture all relevant dimensions of the complexphenomenon of environmental movement and the composite set of factors that influenceits emergence and development, the study is using a combination of differentmethodological techniques: a survey of attitudes and practices based on a representativesample of Serbian citizens (N = 1952) and local government representatives (N = 232),in parallel with the semi-structured interviews with representatives of non-governmentalorganizations (N = 44), and the two case studies of communities with seriousenvironmental problems – the municipalities of Pancevo and Bor.The second part contains the description and analysis of individual elements ofthe environmental movement: environmental activists, environmental groups /organizations, environmental networks, collective identity and environmental conflicts.Based on a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the key elements of environmentalmovement, the concluding chapter of this part of the paper offers an answer to thequestion - is there an environmental movement in Serbia? The main research finding isthat participatory type of environmental movement that is typical for the Westerncountries has not been formed in Serbia. There are even no indications of the existenceof significant elements of transactional environmental activism (movement), that ispresent in the countries of Central Europe. Instead, we are witnessing the developmentof a distinct model of collective environmental action that we have named "the thirdenvironmental sector". Different from the participative and transactional activism whichhave an emphasized political dimension, the nature of the activities of the third sectororganizations is mostly "non-political", aimed at providing services in those areas thatthe state has withdrew from, in the context of neo-liberal reforms. In addition to theunderdeveloped conflict/political dimension, the environmental third sector ischaracterized by atomized actions of professional environmental organizations, whichestablish physical connections (networks) among themselves only as an exception(under external pressures or incentives), while at the level of collective identity only thecognitive dimension is being developed (the formal acceptance of the environmentalvalues and principles which form an integral part of the environmental discoursedominant in the West). Citizens, as a rule, are not included in the work of theseorganizations, except as users of services.In the third part, the reasons for the absence of the participatory and / ortransactional environmental movement (activism) are discussed. In order to explain theemergence of the specific hybrid form of the environmental third sector, a syntheticexplanatory model was established, combining elements developed within differentsocial movement theories. The explanatory scheme has been formulated as follows: forthe launch of collective action and the emergence of the environmental movementcertain conditions are necessary to be met - a certain level of socially-constructed8dissatisfaction (problem) needs to be generated in large numbers of individuals /professional advocacy organizations (social constructivist reinterpretation of classicalapproaches); then, a group of individuals who perceive the problem / advocates for itssolution must possess appropriate resources to initiate and sustain a collective action(the Resource Mobilization Theory approach); the wider context should be relativelyfavorable as to suggest the possibility of a positive outcome of the action (the PoliticalOpportunities Structure approach); the value framework should be set up in such a wayto initiate the action of professional environmental organizations and / or the directlyaffected population, and possibly also of a wider circle of supporters (the New SocialMovements approach). Through the four direct factors (social – construction ofenvironmental risks, the availability and characteristics of resources, the structure ofpolitical opportunities, the value system), the process of development of theenvironmental movement is indirectly affected by wider-scale social processes – thepost-socialist transformation and Europeanization of Serbian society, as well as by thefactors of longer duration ((pre-) socialist heritage).The testing of the set of explicativehypotheses showed that the necessary pre-conditions for the formation of theenvironmental movement in Serbia have neither been fully, nor even partially met.In comparison with other issues, the existing environmental problems aredominantly defined in the terms of low-risk and low-importance, due to which theircapacities to induce collective (re)action are significantly reduced. In addition, theprevailing concept of environmental modernization, presented as a solution to almost allenvironmental problems, proves to be a factor that adversely affects civic activism, as itleads to passive anticipation of the promised introduction of mechanisms for sustainabledevelopment.Since the majority of citizens have access only to very limited resources, they, inmany cases, tend to give up their participation in environmental actions. Environmentalorganizations also face difficulties in obtaining necessary resources for their operation.An additional problem lies in the way resources are being mobilized: becomingincreasingly dependent on foreign funding, organizations tend to lose their autonomy.As a result, the environmental action is atomized and rivalries and conflicts within theenvironmental civil society accentuated; environmental networks are difficult toestablish and maintain and the collective identity is weak (due to domination ofparticular interests); the conflictual dimension of environmental organizations remainsundeveloped.Despite the relatively favorable legal framework, the structure of politicalopportunities seems closed to the participation of citizens in the decision-makingprocess. Citizens perceive government representatives as unresponsive to their needs,which negatively affects their readiness to act in an organized way and to attempt toimpose their demands. On the other hand, environmental organizations are excludedfrom the decision-making process and reduced to the assisting role in the capacitybuilding of the state bodies for the implementation of programs in the field ofenvironmental protection. Conflicting action of such organizations is limited, on the onehand by the lack of support from powerful actors (international environmentalorganizations, international donors), and on the other - by the financial preconditionsimposed by the state authorities.The characteristics of the cultural context also appear to be unfavorable for thedevelopment of the environmental movement in Serbia. The dominance of thematerialistic value system and the related high priority attributed to the economic9growth, leaves the environmental problems on the margins, thus negatively affecting theenvironmental activation of citizens. However, despite the predominantly materialisticvalue orientation, the values of the New environmental paradigm are very familiar to thecitizens. Still, in the context of material insecurity, the road from the general acceptanceof such values to active action towards reaching them, is long and very uncertain.The concluding chapter is devoted to summarizing and discussing the empiricalfindings, as well as to considerations of implications of the under-developedenvironmental movement to the overall state of environmental protection in Serbia.",
publisher = "Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет",
journal = "Универзитет у Београду",
title = "Mogućnosti nastanka i razvoja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalističke transformacije, Potentials of emergence and development of environmental movement in Serbia in the postsocialist context",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_4846"
}

Vukelić, J. S.. (2015). Mogućnosti nastanka i razvoja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalističke transformacije. in Универзитет у Београду
Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_4846

Vukelić JS. Mogućnosti nastanka i razvoja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalističke transformacije. in Универзитет у Београду. 2015;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_4846 .

Vukelić, Jelisaveta S., "Mogućnosti nastanka i razvoja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalističke transformacije" in Универзитет у Београду (2015),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_4846 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1860
AB  - The purpose of this study is to examine the church-state relations in the
 United States from the perspective of the social welfare system. More
 precisely, we are questioning the way the conceptual foundations and
 practical activities of religious organizations influence the directions of
 social policy and shape the way of dealing with the poor. The first part of
 the text outlines the main features of religious life and social welfare
 system in America, while the second contains an analysis of the impact of
 basic moral and religious principles of the Reformed Protestantism and Roman
 Catholicism (the two most widespread religious traditions) and the ways in
 which religious organizations are taking part in the modern social welfare
 system in America.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd
T2  - Filozofija i društvo
T1  - Who should take care of the poor? Religion and social welfare in America
EP  - 156
IS  - 2
SP  - 137
VL  - 25
DO  - 10.2298/FID1402137V
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vukelić, Jelisaveta and Stanojević, Dragan",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The purpose of this study is to examine the church-state relations in the
 United States from the perspective of the social welfare system. More
 precisely, we are questioning the way the conceptual foundations and
 practical activities of religious organizations influence the directions of
 social policy and shape the way of dealing with the poor. The first part of
 the text outlines the main features of religious life and social welfare
 system in America, while the second contains an analysis of the impact of
 basic moral and religious principles of the Reformed Protestantism and Roman
 Catholicism (the two most widespread religious traditions) and the ways in
 which religious organizations are taking part in the modern social welfare
 system in America.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd",
journal = "Filozofija i društvo",
title = "Who should take care of the poor? Religion and social welfare in America",
pages = "156-137",
number = "2",
volume = "25",
doi = "10.2298/FID1402137V"
}

Vukelić, J.,& Stanojević, D.. (2014). Who should take care of the poor? Religion and social welfare in America. in Filozofija i društvo
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd., 25(2), 137-156.
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1402137V

Vukelić J, Stanojević D. Who should take care of the poor? Religion and social welfare in America. in Filozofija i društvo. 2014;25(2):137-156.
doi:10.2298/FID1402137V .

Vukelić, Jelisaveta, Stanojević, Dragan, "Who should take care of the poor? Religion and social welfare in America" in Filozofija i društvo, 25, no. 2 (2014):137-156,
https://doi.org/10.2298/FID1402137V . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1477
AB  - Cilj ovog rada je da pruži odgovor na pitanje da li je ekološki aktivizam jedan od novih oblika političke participacije mladih u Srbiji. Jedna od karakteristika postindustrijskih društava je ukupno povlačenje građana iz tradicionalnih kanala političke participacije. Smatra se da političko isključivanje karakteriše sve građane, ali mlade ponajviše. Ipak, iako se mladi ljudi sve više okreću od 'mainstream' politike, oni su zainteresovani za različite teme koje se mogu svrstati u političke u širem značenju pojma. U postsocijalističkim evropskim zemljama, mladi ljudi još manje učestvuju u političkom životu nego što je to slučaj sa etabliranim demokratijama. Ipak, oni su takođe skloni da usvoje nove forme političkog izražavanja. Da li omladina u Srbiji prati iste obrasce političkog angažovanja, namera nam je da istražimo u ovom radu. U potrazi za odgovorom na ovo pitanje, fokusiraćemo našu analizu na ekološki aktivizam, kao jedan od oblika novog političkog angažovanja široko prihvaćenog među mladima.
AB  - The aim of this paper is to explore whether the environmental activism is a new form of political participation of the Serbian youth. One of the characteristics of the postindustrial societies is a general citizen withdrawal from the traditional channels of political participation. Political disengagement is thought to characterize all citizens but most of all the young people. However, although young people may have turned away from mainstream politics, they are nevertheless concerned with a wide range of issues that could be considered political in a broader sense of the term. In the post-socialist Europe young people tend to be even less involved in political life than the youth in the established democracies. However, they are also likely to adopt novel forms of political expression. Whether the Serbian youth follow the same pattern of political involvement, we intend to explore in this article. In searching for the answer to this question, we will focus our analysis on the environmental activism, as one of the forms of the new political engagement widely accepted among young people.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Ekološki aktivizam kao novi oblik političke participacije mladih u Srbiji
T1  - Environmental activism as a new form of political participation of the youth in Serbia
EP  - 399
IS  - 2
SP  - 387
VL  - 54
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1202387V
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vukelić, Jelisaveta and Stanojević, Dragan",
year = "2012",
abstract = "Cilj ovog rada je da pruži odgovor na pitanje da li je ekološki aktivizam jedan od novih oblika političke participacije mladih u Srbiji. Jedna od karakteristika postindustrijskih društava je ukupno povlačenje građana iz tradicionalnih kanala političke participacije. Smatra se da političko isključivanje karakteriše sve građane, ali mlade ponajviše. Ipak, iako se mladi ljudi sve više okreću od 'mainstream' politike, oni su zainteresovani za različite teme koje se mogu svrstati u političke u širem značenju pojma. U postsocijalističkim evropskim zemljama, mladi ljudi još manje učestvuju u političkom životu nego što je to slučaj sa etabliranim demokratijama. Ipak, oni su takođe skloni da usvoje nove forme političkog izražavanja. Da li omladina u Srbiji prati iste obrasce političkog angažovanja, namera nam je da istražimo u ovom radu. U potrazi za odgovorom na ovo pitanje, fokusiraćemo našu analizu na ekološki aktivizam, kao jedan od oblika novog političkog angažovanja široko prihvaćenog među mladima., The aim of this paper is to explore whether the environmental activism is a new form of political participation of the Serbian youth. One of the characteristics of the postindustrial societies is a general citizen withdrawal from the traditional channels of political participation. Political disengagement is thought to characterize all citizens but most of all the young people. However, although young people may have turned away from mainstream politics, they are nevertheless concerned with a wide range of issues that could be considered political in a broader sense of the term. In the post-socialist Europe young people tend to be even less involved in political life than the youth in the established democracies. However, they are also likely to adopt novel forms of political expression. Whether the Serbian youth follow the same pattern of political involvement, we intend to explore in this article. In searching for the answer to this question, we will focus our analysis on the environmental activism, as one of the forms of the new political engagement widely accepted among young people.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Ekološki aktivizam kao novi oblik političke participacije mladih u Srbiji, Environmental activism as a new form of political participation of the youth in Serbia",
pages = "399-387",
number = "2",
volume = "54",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1202387V"
}

Vukelić, J.,& Stanojević, D.. (2012). Ekološki aktivizam kao novi oblik političke participacije mladih u Srbiji. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 54(2), 387-399.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1202387V

Vukelić J, Stanojević D. Ekološki aktivizam kao novi oblik političke participacije mladih u Srbiji. in Sociologija. 2012;54(2):387-399.
doi:10.2298/SOC1202387V .

Vukelić, Jelisaveta, Stanojević, Dragan, "Ekološki aktivizam kao novi oblik političke participacije mladih u Srbiji" in Sociologija, 54, no. 2 (2012):387-399,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1202387V . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bobić, Mirjana
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/1261
AB  - U tekstu se ponovo preispituje od ranije prisutna dilema da li je Srbija (bez Kosova i Metohije) zemlja druge demografske tranzicije, odnosno da li je ona (de)blokirana, pod pretpostavkom da se radi o svetskoistorijskom procesu preobražaja industrijalizovanih populacija sveta. Poslednja teza oko koje postoji puno kontroverzi u savremenoj populacionoj teoriji ovom prilikom nije detaljnije obrađivana, već je, naprotiv, uzeta kao opšti teorijski okvir u analizi novijih tendencija u kretanju režima braka i rađanja u Srbiji, kao i zapadnim i zemljama postsocijalističke transformacije. Posebna pažnja je posvećena ideacionim promenama, odnosno specifičnosti vrednosnog profila populacije savremene Srbije, što je jedna od najbitnijih determinanti socijetalnog okvira, koji deluje u pozadini navedenih, agregatnih demografskih pokazatelja. Najzad, postavlja se hipoteza, koju treba dalje ispitivati, kako dubinskim, tako i komplementarnim pristupima, da bi ubrzanje druge tranzicije i intenziviranje individualizacije ne samo partnerstva, već i roditeljstva, uz podizanje životnog standarda i društvenu podršku usklađivanju rada i porodice, imali značajne emancipatorske, a onda i pozitivne socioekonomske i demografske efekte.
AB  - The text is re-examining the previously established dilemma related to whether Serbia (without Kosovo and Metohija) is the country of second demographic transition, i.e.: has the transition been de-blocked, under the assumption that this is a worldwide historical process of transformation of industrialized countries. The last thesis, around which there exists a lot of controversy in the contemporary population theory, is however not dealt with in detail; to the contrary, it is used as the general theoretical framework for the exploration of the most recent tendencies in the transformation of nuptiality and fertility regime in Serbia, as well as in the western and countries in post-socialist transformation. Special attention is given to the ideational changes, more precisely to the specific features of the value profile of the Serbian population, which is one of the most important determinants of the societal framework, that acts in the back of the afore mentioned aggregate demographic indicators. Finally, the hypothesis is posed (which should be further investigated by means of in-depth research and complementary approach) that the speeding-up of the second demographic transition and intensification of the individualisation not only of the partnership but of the parenthood as well, accompanied with the rise of living standard and social support to balancing work and family, would have produced important emancipating and, concomitantly, positive socioeconomic and demographic effects.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Deblokada 'druge demografske tranzicije'?
T1  - Second demographic transition de-blocked?
EP  - 176
IS  - 2
SP  - 149
VL  - 53
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1102149B
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Bobić, Mirjana and Vukelić, Jelisaveta",
year = "2011",
abstract = "U tekstu se ponovo preispituje od ranije prisutna dilema da li je Srbija (bez Kosova i Metohije) zemlja druge demografske tranzicije, odnosno da li je ona (de)blokirana, pod pretpostavkom da se radi o svetskoistorijskom procesu preobražaja industrijalizovanih populacija sveta. Poslednja teza oko koje postoji puno kontroverzi u savremenoj populacionoj teoriji ovom prilikom nije detaljnije obrađivana, već je, naprotiv, uzeta kao opšti teorijski okvir u analizi novijih tendencija u kretanju režima braka i rađanja u Srbiji, kao i zapadnim i zemljama postsocijalističke transformacije. Posebna pažnja je posvećena ideacionim promenama, odnosno specifičnosti vrednosnog profila populacije savremene Srbije, što je jedna od najbitnijih determinanti socijetalnog okvira, koji deluje u pozadini navedenih, agregatnih demografskih pokazatelja. Najzad, postavlja se hipoteza, koju treba dalje ispitivati, kako dubinskim, tako i komplementarnim pristupima, da bi ubrzanje druge tranzicije i intenziviranje individualizacije ne samo partnerstva, već i roditeljstva, uz podizanje životnog standarda i društvenu podršku usklađivanju rada i porodice, imali značajne emancipatorske, a onda i pozitivne socioekonomske i demografske efekte., The text is re-examining the previously established dilemma related to whether Serbia (without Kosovo and Metohija) is the country of second demographic transition, i.e.: has the transition been de-blocked, under the assumption that this is a worldwide historical process of transformation of industrialized countries. The last thesis, around which there exists a lot of controversy in the contemporary population theory, is however not dealt with in detail; to the contrary, it is used as the general theoretical framework for the exploration of the most recent tendencies in the transformation of nuptiality and fertility regime in Serbia, as well as in the western and countries in post-socialist transformation. Special attention is given to the ideational changes, more precisely to the specific features of the value profile of the Serbian population, which is one of the most important determinants of the societal framework, that acts in the back of the afore mentioned aggregate demographic indicators. Finally, the hypothesis is posed (which should be further investigated by means of in-depth research and complementary approach) that the speeding-up of the second demographic transition and intensification of the individualisation not only of the partnership but of the parenthood as well, accompanied with the rise of living standard and social support to balancing work and family, would have produced important emancipating and, concomitantly, positive socioeconomic and demographic effects.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Deblokada 'druge demografske tranzicije'?, Second demographic transition de-blocked?",
pages = "176-149",
number = "2",
volume = "53",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1102149B"
}

Bobić, M.,& Vukelić, J.. (2011). Deblokada 'druge demografske tranzicije'?. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 53(2), 149-176.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1102149B

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https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1102149B . .