TY  - JOUR
AU  - Cvetičanin, Predrag
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2023-12
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/6323
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Foreword
EP  - 493
IS  - 4
SP  - 489
VL  - 65
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_6323
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Cvetičanin, Predrag and Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2023-12",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Foreword",
pages = "493-489",
number = "4",
volume = "65",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_6323"
}

Cvetičanin, P.,& Pešić, J.. (2023-12). Foreword. in Sociologija, 65(4), 489-493.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_6323

Cvetičanin P, Pešić J. Foreword. in Sociologija. 2023;65(4):489-493.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_6323 .

Cvetičanin, Predrag, Pešić, Jelena, "Foreword" in Sociologija, 65, no. 4 (2023-12):489-493,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_6323 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Mina
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/5065
AB  - Considering the growing tendency of contemporary environmental movements
from the Global North to internationalise their struggles, in this paper we try to explore the
potentials and obstacles of recent environmental initiatives in Serbia - the protests against small
hydropower plants and struggles against the exploitation of lithium - to scale-up from the lo-
cal to national and transnational level. Focusing on the discursive framing of these initiatives
based on the analysis of the digital content created and shared by environmental organisations
and activists on social media, we investigate to what extent eco-nationalism represents an in-
centive or a barrier for the creation of transnational alliances. We also explore the willingness
of this movement’s advocates to participate in organised collective actions addressing their
grievances to international institutions, and especially to the European Union. We interpret
the emergence of eco-nationalism as related to the environmentalism of the poor/dispossessed,
which arises as a reaction to the commodification of natural resources, advancing neoliberal
policies and neoextractivism on the (semi-)periphery of the world capitalist system.
AB  - S obzirom na sve izraženiju tendenciju suvremenih ekoloških pokreta da internacionaliziraju
svoje borbe, u ovom radu pokušavamo istražiti potencijale i prepreke nedavnih ekoloških inicijativa u Srbiji - prosvjeda protiv malih hidroelektrana i borbi protiv eksploatacije litija - da
se prošire s lokalne do nacionalne i transnacionalne razine. Fokusirajući se na diskurzivno uokvirivanje ovih inicijativa temeljeno na analizi digitalnog sadržaja koji su ekološke organizacije
i aktivisti kreirali i dijelili na društvenim mrežama, istražujemo u kojoj mjeri ekonacionalizam
predstavlja poticaj ili prepreku za stvaranje transnacionalnih saveza te njihovu spremnost na
sudjelovanje u organiziranim kolektivnim akcijama upravljenima prema međunarodnim institucijama, a posebno prema Europskoj uniji. Pojavu eko-nacionalizma tumačimo povezanom s
ekologizmom siromašnih/razvlaštenih, koji se javlja kao reakcija na komodifikaciju prirodnih
resursa, širenje neoliberalnih politika i neoekstraktivizam na (polu)periferiji svjetskog kapitalističkog sustava.
PB  - Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu
T2  - Sociologija i prostor
T1  - Potentials and Obstacles for the Transnationalisation of Recent Environmental Struggles in Serbia
T1  - Potencijali i prepreke za transnacionalizaciju suvremenih ekoloških borbi u Srbiji
EP  - 422
IS  - 2
SP  - 397
VL  - 61
DO  - 10.5673/sip.61.2.7
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Petrović, Mina and Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Considering the growing tendency of contemporary environmental movements
from the Global North to internationalise their struggles, in this paper we try to explore the
potentials and obstacles of recent environmental initiatives in Serbia - the protests against small
hydropower plants and struggles against the exploitation of lithium - to scale-up from the lo-
cal to national and transnational level. Focusing on the discursive framing of these initiatives
based on the analysis of the digital content created and shared by environmental organisations
and activists on social media, we investigate to what extent eco-nationalism represents an in-
centive or a barrier for the creation of transnational alliances. We also explore the willingness
of this movement’s advocates to participate in organised collective actions addressing their
grievances to international institutions, and especially to the European Union. We interpret
the emergence of eco-nationalism as related to the environmentalism of the poor/dispossessed,
which arises as a reaction to the commodification of natural resources, advancing neoliberal
policies and neoextractivism on the (semi-)periphery of the world capitalist system., S obzirom na sve izraženiju tendenciju suvremenih ekoloških pokreta da internacionaliziraju
svoje borbe, u ovom radu pokušavamo istražiti potencijale i prepreke nedavnih ekoloških inicijativa u Srbiji - prosvjeda protiv malih hidroelektrana i borbi protiv eksploatacije litija - da
se prošire s lokalne do nacionalne i transnacionalne razine. Fokusirajući se na diskurzivno uokvirivanje ovih inicijativa temeljeno na analizi digitalnog sadržaja koji su ekološke organizacije
i aktivisti kreirali i dijelili na društvenim mrežama, istražujemo u kojoj mjeri ekonacionalizam
predstavlja poticaj ili prepreku za stvaranje transnacionalnih saveza te njihovu spremnost na
sudjelovanje u organiziranim kolektivnim akcijama upravljenima prema međunarodnim institucijama, a posebno prema Europskoj uniji. Pojavu eko-nacionalizma tumačimo povezanom s
ekologizmom siromašnih/razvlaštenih, koji se javlja kao reakcija na komodifikaciju prirodnih
resursa, širenje neoliberalnih politika i neoekstraktivizam na (polu)periferiji svjetskog kapitalističkog sustava.",
publisher = "Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu",
journal = "Sociologija i prostor",
title = "Potentials and Obstacles for the Transnationalisation of Recent Environmental Struggles in Serbia, Potencijali i prepreke za transnacionalizaciju suvremenih ekoloških borbi u Srbiji",
pages = "422-397",
number = "2",
volume = "61",
doi = "10.5673/sip.61.2.7"
}

Petrović, M.,& Pešić, J.. (2023). Potentials and Obstacles for the Transnationalisation of Recent Environmental Struggles in Serbia. in Sociologija i prostor
Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu., 61(2), 397-422.
https://doi.org/10.5673/sip.61.2.7

Petrović M, Pešić J. Potentials and Obstacles for the Transnationalisation of Recent Environmental Struggles in Serbia. in Sociologija i prostor. 2023;61(2):397-422.
doi:10.5673/sip.61.2.7 .

Petrović, Mina, Pešić, Jelena, "Potentials and Obstacles for the Transnationalisation of Recent Environmental Struggles in Serbia" in Sociologija i prostor, 61, no. 2 (2023):397-422,
https://doi.org/10.5673/sip.61.2.7 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2023
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4222
AB  - The Great Recession of 2008 created a political opportunity for the mobilisation of various social groups, especially those most affected by the crisis. However, the two largest protest waves in Serbia - Against Dictatorship and One of Five Million, did not articulate economic grievances as the most pressing. The main question is why economic demands were so weakly expressed during these protests. Our contention is that the protesters' predominantly middle-class backgrounds and a lack of class solidarity hampered the framing of popular discontent in economic terms. The analysis here is based on surveys of the protest participants.
PB  - Taylor and Francis
T2  - East European Politics
T1  - The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia
IS  - 1
DO  - 10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Vukelić, Jelisaveta and Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2023",
abstract = "The Great Recession of 2008 created a political opportunity for the mobilisation of various social groups, especially those most affected by the crisis. However, the two largest protest waves in Serbia - Against Dictatorship and One of Five Million, did not articulate economic grievances as the most pressing. The main question is why economic demands were so weakly expressed during these protests. Our contention is that the protesters' predominantly middle-class backgrounds and a lack of class solidarity hampered the framing of popular discontent in economic terms. The analysis here is based on surveys of the protest participants.",
publisher = "Taylor and Francis",
journal = "East European Politics",
title = "The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia",
number = "1",
doi = "10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850"
}

Vukelić, J.,& Pešić, J.. (2023). The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia. in East European Politics
Taylor and Francis.(1).
https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850

Vukelić J, Pešić J. The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia. in East European Politics. 2023;(1).
doi:10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850 .

Vukelić, Jelisaveta, Pešić, Jelena, "The unusual weakness of the economic agenda at protests in times of austerity: the case of Serbia" in East European Politics, no. 1 (2023),
https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2023.2164850 . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4278
AB  - Tokom proteklih decenija, sa sve snažnijim procesima akademskog umrežavanja, raste i broj radova koji problematizuju pitanje globalnih akadem- skih nejednakosti, nudeći teorijske elaboracije uzroka, posledica i načina na koji se strukturiše globalna hijerarhija u proizvodnji znanja. S obzirom na to da se pomenute nejednakosti strukturišu na političkom, ekonomskom, kulturnom i geografskom nivou, o njima se neretko govori u terminima teorija zavisnosti i teorije svetskog sistema (gde se linije distinkcije povlače između centra, polu- periferije i periferije) ili savremenih postkolonijalnih teorija (u okviru kojih se razlikuju globalni sever, globalni jug i, u novije vreme, globalni istok). Problem nejednakosti u globalnoj proizvodnji znanja u sociologiji se poslednjih godina sve više tematizuje ili koristi kao analitički koncept i u okviru domaće nauke o društvu. Međutim, pionirski rad, koji je na pomenutu tendenciju ukazao znatno ranije no što je ona postala u potpunosti uobličena i u nauci o društvu popula- rizovana, vezuje se za Vojina Milića. Reč je o tekstu pod nazivom „Odnosi sre- dište–periferija kao problem u društvenim proučavanjima nauke”, objavljenom 1989. godine u časopisu Sociologija, odnosno 1995. godine u okviru obimne monografije Sociologija nauke.
AB  - During the past decades, with intensification of the processes of academic networking, the number of works that problematize global academic inequalities, offering theoretical elaborations of causes, consequences and mechanisms of the structuring of global hierarchies in knowledge production, is also
growing. Given that these inequalities are structured on a political, economic,
cultural and geographical level, they are often discussed in terms of dependency and world-system theory (where the lines of distinction are drawn between
center, semi-periphery and periphery) or modern post-colonial theories (within
which the Global North, Global South and, more recently, the Global East are
distinguished). In recent years, the problem of inequality in the global production
of knowledge has been increasingly thematized or used as an analytical concept
within domestic social science, as well. However, one of the pioneering works,
which pointed to the aforementioned tendency much earlier than it became fully
formed and popularized in social science, is related to Vojin Milić’s text entitled
„Center-periphery relations as a problem in the social study of science”, published
first in 1989, within the journal Sociologija, and later in 1995, as part of the authors’ extensive monograph Sociology of Science
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja
C3  - Sociološko nasleđe Vojina Milića - 100 godina od rođenja
T1  - Doprinos Vojina Milića proučavanju globalnih nejednakosti u proizvodnji znanja: teorijsko razmatranje upotrebe konceptualnog para središte–periferija u proučavanju organizacije nauke
T1  - Vojin Milić’s Contribution to the Study of Global Inequalities
in the Production of Knowledge: A Theoretical Consideration
of the Use of the Conceptual Pair Center-Periphery
in the Study of the Organization of Science
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4278
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Tokom proteklih decenija, sa sve snažnijim procesima akademskog umrežavanja, raste i broj radova koji problematizuju pitanje globalnih akadem- skih nejednakosti, nudeći teorijske elaboracije uzroka, posledica i načina na koji se strukturiše globalna hijerarhija u proizvodnji znanja. S obzirom na to da se pomenute nejednakosti strukturišu na političkom, ekonomskom, kulturnom i geografskom nivou, o njima se neretko govori u terminima teorija zavisnosti i teorije svetskog sistema (gde se linije distinkcije povlače između centra, polu- periferije i periferije) ili savremenih postkolonijalnih teorija (u okviru kojih se razlikuju globalni sever, globalni jug i, u novije vreme, globalni istok). Problem nejednakosti u globalnoj proizvodnji znanja u sociologiji se poslednjih godina sve više tematizuje ili koristi kao analitički koncept i u okviru domaće nauke o društvu. Međutim, pionirski rad, koji je na pomenutu tendenciju ukazao znatno ranije no što je ona postala u potpunosti uobličena i u nauci o društvu popula- rizovana, vezuje se za Vojina Milića. Reč je o tekstu pod nazivom „Odnosi sre- dište–periferija kao problem u društvenim proučavanjima nauke”, objavljenom 1989. godine u časopisu Sociologija, odnosno 1995. godine u okviru obimne monografije Sociologija nauke., During the past decades, with intensification of the processes of academic networking, the number of works that problematize global academic inequalities, offering theoretical elaborations of causes, consequences and mechanisms of the structuring of global hierarchies in knowledge production, is also
growing. Given that these inequalities are structured on a political, economic,
cultural and geographical level, they are often discussed in terms of dependency and world-system theory (where the lines of distinction are drawn between
center, semi-periphery and periphery) or modern post-colonial theories (within
which the Global North, Global South and, more recently, the Global East are
distinguished). In recent years, the problem of inequality in the global production
of knowledge has been increasingly thematized or used as an analytical concept
within domestic social science, as well. However, one of the pioneering works,
which pointed to the aforementioned tendency much earlier than it became fully
formed and popularized in social science, is related to Vojin Milić’s text entitled
„Center-periphery relations as a problem in the social study of science”, published
first in 1989, within the journal Sociologija, and later in 1995, as part of the authors’ extensive monograph Sociology of Science",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja",
journal = "Sociološko nasleđe Vojina Milića - 100 godina od rođenja",
title = "Doprinos Vojina Milića proučavanju globalnih nejednakosti u proizvodnji znanja: teorijsko razmatranje upotrebe konceptualnog para središte–periferija u proučavanju organizacije nauke, Vojin Milić’s Contribution to the Study of Global Inequalities
in the Production of Knowledge: A Theoretical Consideration
of the Use of the Conceptual Pair Center-Periphery
in the Study of the Organization of Science",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4278"
}

Pešić, J.. (2022). Doprinos Vojina Milića proučavanju globalnih nejednakosti u proizvodnji znanja: teorijsko razmatranje upotrebe konceptualnog para središte–periferija u proučavanju organizacije nauke. in Sociološko nasleđe Vojina Milića - 100 godina od rođenja
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4278

Pešić J. Doprinos Vojina Milića proučavanju globalnih nejednakosti u proizvodnji znanja: teorijsko razmatranje upotrebe konceptualnog para središte–periferija u proučavanju organizacije nauke. in Sociološko nasleđe Vojina Milića - 100 godina od rođenja. 2022;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4278 .

Pešić, Jelena, "Doprinos Vojina Milića proučavanju globalnih nejednakosti u proizvodnji znanja: teorijsko razmatranje upotrebe konceptualnog para središte–periferija u proučavanju organizacije nauke" in Sociološko nasleđe Vojina Milića - 100 godina od rođenja (2022),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4278 .

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Spasić, Ivana
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
AU  - Babović, Marija
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3872
AB  - Provides the first comprehensive historical and critical overview of Serbian Sociology
Examines the question of sociology's autonomy from politics
Provides a lens to examine sociology in a (post)conflict society
This book represents the first comprehensive century-long history of the disciplinary development of sociology in Serbia in English. It provides an overview of the constitution of sociology as an academic discipline during the interwar period, its reinstitutionalization after World War II in entirely new social circumstances marked by establishment of self-management socialism in Yugoslavia, and finally its development during the turbulent postsocialist period. Divided into five chapters, the focus of the book is on the challenges that sociology has faced in order to maintain its institutional position, gain adequate social recognition, and preserve its professional autonomy. Relying on Bourdieu's concept of the academic field and Burawoy's typology of Professional, Critical, Public and Policy sociology, the book seeks to answer the question of how the sociological academic field in Serbia has been constituted, structured and restructured, and in which of these roles sociology has dominantly appeared in different phases of its evolution.
PB  - Springer Nature/Palgrave MacMillan
T2  - https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-12485-3
T1  - Sociology in Serbia. A Fragile Discipline
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3872
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Spasić, Ivana and Pešić, Jelena and Babović, Marija",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Provides the first comprehensive historical and critical overview of Serbian Sociology
Examines the question of sociology's autonomy from politics
Provides a lens to examine sociology in a (post)conflict society
This book represents the first comprehensive century-long history of the disciplinary development of sociology in Serbia in English. It provides an overview of the constitution of sociology as an academic discipline during the interwar period, its reinstitutionalization after World War II in entirely new social circumstances marked by establishment of self-management socialism in Yugoslavia, and finally its development during the turbulent postsocialist period. Divided into five chapters, the focus of the book is on the challenges that sociology has faced in order to maintain its institutional position, gain adequate social recognition, and preserve its professional autonomy. Relying on Bourdieu's concept of the academic field and Burawoy's typology of Professional, Critical, Public and Policy sociology, the book seeks to answer the question of how the sociological academic field in Serbia has been constituted, structured and restructured, and in which of these roles sociology has dominantly appeared in different phases of its evolution.",
publisher = "Springer Nature/Palgrave MacMillan",
journal = "https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-12485-3",
title = "Sociology in Serbia. A Fragile Discipline",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3872"
}

Spasić, I., Pešić, J.,& Babović, M.. (2022). Sociology in Serbia. A Fragile Discipline. in https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-12485-3
Springer Nature/Palgrave MacMillan..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3872

Spasić I, Pešić J, Babović M. Sociology in Serbia. A Fragile Discipline. in https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-12485-3. 2022;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3872 .

Spasić, Ivana, Pešić, Jelena, Babović, Marija, "Sociology in Serbia. A Fragile Discipline" in https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-12485-3 (2022),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3872 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
AU  - Vukelić, Jelisaveta
PY  - 2022
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3584
AB  - This paper focuses on Let’s Defend the Rivers of Stara Planina, a local environmental initiative that has managed to scale up and transnationalise (Europeanise) from below and to generate sufficient pressure on national power-holders to amend existing legislation and halt further construction of small hydropower plants in protected natural areas. Linking the concepts of environmentalism of the poor/dispossessed and the transnationalisation (Europeanisation) of environmental protests through the example of Serbian protests against small hydropower plants, we explore how a local movement grew out of a tradition of non-politicised everyday environmentalism, transformed into a rebellion of the dispossessed and then tried to organise at both national and transnational level, using assistance from EU institutions and international environmental organisations to leverage national authorities and developers, while at the same time remaining critical of certain EU environmental policies and practices. This study is based on discursive analysis of the content posted to the official Facebook group and website of Let’s Defend the Rivers of Stara Planina.
AB  - U fokusu rada je primer transnacionalizacije (evropeizacije) odozdo
lokalne ekološke inicijative „Odbranimo reke Stare planine“, koja je, zajedno sa
drugim akterima, izvršila pritisak na donosioce odluka u zemlji u cilju izmene
postojećih zakona i zabrane dalje izgradnje malih hidroelektrana u zaštićenim
parkovima prirode u Srbiji. Povezivanjem koncepata ekološkog aktivizma
siromašnih/razvlašćenih i transnacionalizacije (evropeizacije) ekoloških protesta,
na primeru inicijative protiv izgradnje mini hidroelektrana u Srbiji, istraživale
smo situaciju u kojoj se jedan lokalni pokret, nastao na tradiciji nepolitizovanog
svakodnevnog ekološkog aktivizma, transformisao u pobunu obespravljenih
(siromašnih) građana, a potom pokušao da se organizuje i na nacionalnom i na
transnacionalnom nivou, obraćajući se institucijama Evropske unije i povezujući se
sa međunarodnim ekološkim organizacijama kako bi zajedno izvršili pritisak na
nacionalne i lokalne vlasti i investitore. Istovremeno, u fokusu analize je kritički
odnos pripadnika lokalnog pokreta prema pojedinim ekološkim politikama i
inicijativama koje su potekle od institucija Evropske unije. Istraživanje se zasniva
na diskurzivnoj analizi digitalnih sadržaja (objava i komentara) na Fejsbuk grupi
i zvaničnoj internet stranici inicijative „Odbranimo reke Stare planine".
PB  - Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije i Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Europeanisation from below at the semi-periphery: the movement against small hydropower plants in Serbia
EP  - 27
IS  - 1
SP  - 5
VL  - 64
DO  - https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201005P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pešić, Jelena and Vukelić, Jelisaveta and Vukelić, Jelisaveta and Vukelić, Jelisaveta and Vukelić, Jelisaveta",
year = "2022",
abstract = "This paper focuses on Let’s Defend the Rivers of Stara Planina, a local environmental initiative that has managed to scale up and transnationalise (Europeanise) from below and to generate sufficient pressure on national power-holders to amend existing legislation and halt further construction of small hydropower plants in protected natural areas. Linking the concepts of environmentalism of the poor/dispossessed and the transnationalisation (Europeanisation) of environmental protests through the example of Serbian protests against small hydropower plants, we explore how a local movement grew out of a tradition of non-politicised everyday environmentalism, transformed into a rebellion of the dispossessed and then tried to organise at both national and transnational level, using assistance from EU institutions and international environmental organisations to leverage national authorities and developers, while at the same time remaining critical of certain EU environmental policies and practices. This study is based on discursive analysis of the content posted to the official Facebook group and website of Let’s Defend the Rivers of Stara Planina., U fokusu rada je primer transnacionalizacije (evropeizacije) odozdo
lokalne ekološke inicijative „Odbranimo reke Stare planine“, koja je, zajedno sa
drugim akterima, izvršila pritisak na donosioce odluka u zemlji u cilju izmene
postojećih zakona i zabrane dalje izgradnje malih hidroelektrana u zaštićenim
parkovima prirode u Srbiji. Povezivanjem koncepata ekološkog aktivizma
siromašnih/razvlašćenih i transnacionalizacije (evropeizacije) ekoloških protesta,
na primeru inicijative protiv izgradnje mini hidroelektrana u Srbiji, istraživale
smo situaciju u kojoj se jedan lokalni pokret, nastao na tradiciji nepolitizovanog
svakodnevnog ekološkog aktivizma, transformisao u pobunu obespravljenih
(siromašnih) građana, a potom pokušao da se organizuje i na nacionalnom i na
transnacionalnom nivou, obraćajući se institucijama Evropske unije i povezujući se
sa međunarodnim ekološkim organizacijama kako bi zajedno izvršili pritisak na
nacionalne i lokalne vlasti i investitore. Istovremeno, u fokusu analize je kritički
odnos pripadnika lokalnog pokreta prema pojedinim ekološkim politikama i
inicijativama koje su potekle od institucija Evropske unije. Istraživanje se zasniva
na diskurzivnoj analizi digitalnih sadržaja (objava i komentara) na Fejsbuk grupi
i zvaničnoj internet stranici inicijative „Odbranimo reke Stare planine".",
publisher = "Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije i Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Europeanisation from below at the semi-periphery: the movement against small hydropower plants in Serbia",
pages = "27-5",
number = "1",
volume = "64",
doi = "https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201005P"
}

Pešić, J., Vukelić, J., Vukelić, J., Vukelić, J.,& Vukelić, J.. (2022). Europeanisation from below at the semi-periphery: the movement against small hydropower plants in Serbia. in Sociologija
Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije i Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu., 64(1), 5-27.
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201005P

Pešić J, Vukelić J, Vukelić J, Vukelić J, Vukelić J. Europeanisation from below at the semi-periphery: the movement against small hydropower plants in Serbia. in Sociologija. 2022;64(1):5-27.
doi:https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201005P .

Pešić, Jelena, Vukelić, Jelisaveta, Vukelić, Jelisaveta, Vukelić, Jelisaveta, Vukelić, Jelisaveta, "Europeanisation from below at the semi-periphery: the movement against small hydropower plants in Serbia" in Sociologija, 64, no. 1 (2022):5-27,
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2201005P . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3539
AB  - Na osnovu analize empirijskih rezultata dobijenih putem četiri istraživanja
stanovništva Srbije (na reprezentativnim uzorcima punoletne populacije 1989,
2003, 2012. i 2018. godine), cilj ovog rada je testiranje efekata socijalizacije,
strukturnih karakteristika, ideološkog učenja i sistemskih promena na promene u
stepenu pristajanja uz stavove koji mere tradicionalno (patrijarhalno) poimanje
rodne podele uloga. Efekat socijalizacije je meren na osnovu kohortne dekompozicije
(odnosno putem izdvajanja generacijskog efekta); ispoljavanje strukturnih
karakteristika je operacionalizovano putem efekta godina starosti (odnosno promene
društvenih uloga u različitim fazama životnog ciklusa), obrazovanja, mesta
stanovanja, bračnog statusa i religioznosti ispitanika; efekat sistemskih promena je
meren na osnovu talasa istraživanja, dok je uticaj ideološkog učenja
operacionalizovan putem stepena pristajanja uz stavove koji mere autoritarnu
orijentaciju. Analiza je podeljena u dva segmenta: u prvom segmentu je meren
pojedinačni efekat pobrojanih činilaca, da bi u drugom segmentu, na osnovu linerane
regresione analize, testiran kontrolisani efekat potencijalnih prediktora na stavove
koji mere patrijarhalnu orijentaciju. Efekat ovih faktora je izdvojeno analiziran za
muškarce i za žene, kako bi se utvrdilo da li dati činioci pokazuju specifično dejstvo s
obzirom na ovo obeležje. Rezultati analize pokazuju pad u stepenu pristajanja uz
patrijarhalnu orijentaciju tokom protekle tri decenije, ali i izraziti rodni jaz, koji
rezultuje u većinskom odbacivanju patrijarhalne podele rodnih uloga kod žena u
poslednjem talasu istraživanja. Kada se kontroliše efekat ostalih činilaca,
najznačajniji prediktori patrijarhalnosti su autoritarna orijentacija, stepen
obrazovanja i talas istraživanja, ukazujući na potrebu komplementarne upotrebe
različitih teorijskih pristupa pri objašnjenju promena u stavovima prema rodnoj
podeli uloga.
AB  - Based on the analysis of empirical results obtained through four surveys of the
population of Serbia (on representative samples of the adult population in 1989,
2003, 2012 and 2018), the aim of this paper is to test the effects of socialization,
structural characteristics, ideological learning and systemic changes on changes in
compliance with attitudes that measure the traditionalist (patriarchal) perception
of gender roles division. The effect of socialization was measured on the basis of
cohort decomposition (i.e. by isolating the generational effect); the manifestation of
structural characteristics is operationalized through the effect of age (i.e. changes
in social roles at different stages of the life cycle), education, place of residence,
marital status and religiosity of the respondents; the effect of systemic change was
measured through research wave, while the impact of ideological learning was
operationalized through the degree of adherence to attitudes that measure
authoritarian orientation. The analysis is divided into two segments: in the first
segment the individual effect of the aforementioned factors was measured, and in
the second segment, based on linear regression analysis, the controlled effects of
potential predictors on attitudes measuring patriarchal orientation was tested. The
effect of these factors was analyzed separately for men and women, in order to
determine whether the given predictors show a specific effect with regard to the
gender of respondents. The results of the analysis show a decline in the degree of
adherence to patriarchal orientation over the past three decades, but also a marked
gender gap, which results in a majority rejection of the patriarchal division of
gender roles among women in the last wave of research. When controlling the
effect of other factors, the most important predictors of patriarchy are
authoritarian orientation, level of education and wave of research, pointing to the
need for complementary use of different theoretical approaches in explaining
changes in attitudes towards gender division of roles.
PB  - Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja
T2  - Feminizam, aktivizam, politike: proizvodnja znanja na poluperiferiji
T1  - Stavovi prema rodnoj podeli uloga u Srbiji 1989-2018
EP  - 224
SP  - 195
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3539
ER  - 

@inbook{
editor = "Ćopić, Sonja, Antonijević, Zorana",
author = "Pešić, Jelena and Stanojević, Dragan",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Na osnovu analize empirijskih rezultata dobijenih putem četiri istraživanja
stanovništva Srbije (na reprezentativnim uzorcima punoletne populacije 1989,
2003, 2012. i 2018. godine), cilj ovog rada je testiranje efekata socijalizacije,
strukturnih karakteristika, ideološkog učenja i sistemskih promena na promene u
stepenu pristajanja uz stavove koji mere tradicionalno (patrijarhalno) poimanje
rodne podele uloga. Efekat socijalizacije je meren na osnovu kohortne dekompozicije
(odnosno putem izdvajanja generacijskog efekta); ispoljavanje strukturnih
karakteristika je operacionalizovano putem efekta godina starosti (odnosno promene
društvenih uloga u različitim fazama životnog ciklusa), obrazovanja, mesta
stanovanja, bračnog statusa i religioznosti ispitanika; efekat sistemskih promena je
meren na osnovu talasa istraživanja, dok je uticaj ideološkog učenja
operacionalizovan putem stepena pristajanja uz stavove koji mere autoritarnu
orijentaciju. Analiza je podeljena u dva segmenta: u prvom segmentu je meren
pojedinačni efekat pobrojanih činilaca, da bi u drugom segmentu, na osnovu linerane
regresione analize, testiran kontrolisani efekat potencijalnih prediktora na stavove
koji mere patrijarhalnu orijentaciju. Efekat ovih faktora je izdvojeno analiziran za
muškarce i za žene, kako bi se utvrdilo da li dati činioci pokazuju specifično dejstvo s
obzirom na ovo obeležje. Rezultati analize pokazuju pad u stepenu pristajanja uz
patrijarhalnu orijentaciju tokom protekle tri decenije, ali i izraziti rodni jaz, koji
rezultuje u većinskom odbacivanju patrijarhalne podele rodnih uloga kod žena u
poslednjem talasu istraživanja. Kada se kontroliše efekat ostalih činilaca,
najznačajniji prediktori patrijarhalnosti su autoritarna orijentacija, stepen
obrazovanja i talas istraživanja, ukazujući na potrebu komplementarne upotrebe
različitih teorijskih pristupa pri objašnjenju promena u stavovima prema rodnoj
podeli uloga., Based on the analysis of empirical results obtained through four surveys of the
population of Serbia (on representative samples of the adult population in 1989,
2003, 2012 and 2018), the aim of this paper is to test the effects of socialization,
structural characteristics, ideological learning and systemic changes on changes in
compliance with attitudes that measure the traditionalist (patriarchal) perception
of gender roles division. The effect of socialization was measured on the basis of
cohort decomposition (i.e. by isolating the generational effect); the manifestation of
structural characteristics is operationalized through the effect of age (i.e. changes
in social roles at different stages of the life cycle), education, place of residence,
marital status and religiosity of the respondents; the effect of systemic change was
measured through research wave, while the impact of ideological learning was
operationalized through the degree of adherence to attitudes that measure
authoritarian orientation. The analysis is divided into two segments: in the first
segment the individual effect of the aforementioned factors was measured, and in
the second segment, based on linear regression analysis, the controlled effects of
potential predictors on attitudes measuring patriarchal orientation was tested. The
effect of these factors was analyzed separately for men and women, in order to
determine whether the given predictors show a specific effect with regard to the
gender of respondents. The results of the analysis show a decline in the degree of
adherence to patriarchal orientation over the past three decades, but also a marked
gender gap, which results in a majority rejection of the patriarchal division of
gender roles among women in the last wave of research. When controlling the
effect of other factors, the most important predictors of patriarchy are
authoritarian orientation, level of education and wave of research, pointing to the
need for complementary use of different theoretical approaches in explaining
changes in attitudes towards gender division of roles.",
publisher = "Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja",
journal = "Feminizam, aktivizam, politike: proizvodnja znanja na poluperiferiji",
booktitle = "Stavovi prema rodnoj podeli uloga u Srbiji 1989-2018",
pages = "224-195",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3539"
}

Ćopić, S., Antonijević, Z., Pešić, J.,& Stanojević, D.. (2021). Stavovi prema rodnoj podeli uloga u Srbiji 1989-2018. in Feminizam, aktivizam, politike: proizvodnja znanja na poluperiferiji
Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja., 195-224.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3539

Ćopić S, Antonijević Z, Pešić J, Stanojević D. Stavovi prema rodnoj podeli uloga u Srbiji 1989-2018. in Feminizam, aktivizam, politike: proizvodnja znanja na poluperiferiji. 2021;:195-224.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3539 .

Ćopić, Sonja, Antonijević, Zorana, Pešić, Jelena, Stanojević, Dragan, "Stavovi prema rodnoj podeli uloga u Srbiji 1989-2018" in Feminizam, aktivizam, politike: proizvodnja znanja na poluperiferiji (2021):195-224,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3539 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
AU  - Birešev, Ana
AU  - Petrović Trifunović, Tamara
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3271
AB  - The aim of this paper is to examine the extent of political disaffection and disengagement of Serbian citizens from a comparative European perspective, as well as to explore the relationships between two phenomena and determine the effects of several potential predictors (structural inequalities, gender, generational differences, urban environment, political awareness and competences, national and European identification, and political discontent) on different aspects of political disaffection and disengagement. In order to do so, we have used European Social Survey data (9th round, 2018), and singled out four different subdimensions of political disaffection and disengagement: assessment of responsiveness of the political system (external political efficacy), institutional trust, assessment of individual interest in politics and capabilities to engage in political processes (internal political efficacy), and the level of actual political engagement (political participation). The aim of the paper is to shed light on different systemic, structural and conjunctural factors that may contribute to shaping political attitudes and patterns of actions in contemporary Serbia and pose several theoretical and research questions that need further investigation.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Otklon od politike i dezangažman u Srbiji
T1  - Political disaffection and disengagement in Serbia
EP  - 380
IS  - 2
SP  - 355
VL  - 63
DO  - 10.2298/SOC2102355P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pešić, Jelena and Birešev, Ana and Petrović Trifunović, Tamara",
year = "2021",
abstract = "The aim of this paper is to examine the extent of political disaffection and disengagement of Serbian citizens from a comparative European perspective, as well as to explore the relationships between two phenomena and determine the effects of several potential predictors (structural inequalities, gender, generational differences, urban environment, political awareness and competences, national and European identification, and political discontent) on different aspects of political disaffection and disengagement. In order to do so, we have used European Social Survey data (9th round, 2018), and singled out four different subdimensions of political disaffection and disengagement: assessment of responsiveness of the political system (external political efficacy), institutional trust, assessment of individual interest in politics and capabilities to engage in political processes (internal political efficacy), and the level of actual political engagement (political participation). The aim of the paper is to shed light on different systemic, structural and conjunctural factors that may contribute to shaping political attitudes and patterns of actions in contemporary Serbia and pose several theoretical and research questions that need further investigation.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Otklon od politike i dezangažman u Srbiji, Political disaffection and disengagement in Serbia",
pages = "380-355",
number = "2",
volume = "63",
doi = "10.2298/SOC2102355P"
}

Pešić, J., Birešev, A.,& Petrović Trifunović, T.. (2021). Otklon od politike i dezangažman u Srbiji. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 63(2), 355-380.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2102355P

Pešić J, Birešev A, Petrović Trifunović T. Otklon od politike i dezangažman u Srbiji. in Sociologija. 2021;63(2):355-380.
doi:10.2298/SOC2102355P .

Pešić, Jelena, Birešev, Ana, Petrović Trifunović, Tamara, "Otklon od politike i dezangažman u Srbiji" in Sociologija, 63, no. 2 (2021):355-380,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2102355P . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
AU  - Milošević, Marko
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3538
AB  - The private security sector began to develop in Serbia during the
1990s. Along with the formation of the neo-patrimonial regime in
the 1990s, followed by gradual stabilization of political clientelism
after the year 2000, the private security sector developed through
privatization processes, the establishment of domestic private
security companies (sometimes in conjunction with organized crime
or with the state security apparatus), but also through the development
of the market by the inflow of international corporations. In this
paper, we will try to examine how the system of political clientelism
shaped the private security sector in Serbia. The main thesis is that
privatization processes and the normative framework of public
procurements, whose manifest goal was to prevent corruption,
were the key factors that shaped the development of the private
security sector in Serbia on a clientelist basis, causing serious market
distortions. Furthermore, we will try to explore whether new forms
of clientelist relations are being formed within this sector. The paper
will be based on the analysis of the relevant normative framework
and contextual factors crucial for the development of the private
security sector in Serbia, supplemented by the secondary analysis
of interview data, gathered from the actors belonging to this sector,
and conducted and published by researchers of Belgrade Center
for Security Policy.
PB  - Institute for Sociological, Political and Judicial Research, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje (ISPJR-UKIM)
C3  - Political Clientelism in the Western Balkans
T1  - Political Clientelism and Private Security Sector in Serbia
EP  - 133
SP  - 109
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3538
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Pešić, Jelena and Milošević, Marko",
year = "2021",
abstract = "The private security sector began to develop in Serbia during the
1990s. Along with the formation of the neo-patrimonial regime in
the 1990s, followed by gradual stabilization of political clientelism
after the year 2000, the private security sector developed through
privatization processes, the establishment of domestic private
security companies (sometimes in conjunction with organized crime
or with the state security apparatus), but also through the development
of the market by the inflow of international corporations. In this
paper, we will try to examine how the system of political clientelism
shaped the private security sector in Serbia. The main thesis is that
privatization processes and the normative framework of public
procurements, whose manifest goal was to prevent corruption,
were the key factors that shaped the development of the private
security sector in Serbia on a clientelist basis, causing serious market
distortions. Furthermore, we will try to explore whether new forms
of clientelist relations are being formed within this sector. The paper
will be based on the analysis of the relevant normative framework
and contextual factors crucial for the development of the private
security sector in Serbia, supplemented by the secondary analysis
of interview data, gathered from the actors belonging to this sector,
and conducted and published by researchers of Belgrade Center
for Security Policy.",
publisher = "Institute for Sociological, Political and Judicial Research, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje (ISPJR-UKIM)",
journal = "Political Clientelism in the Western Balkans",
title = "Political Clientelism and Private Security Sector in Serbia",
pages = "133-109",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3538"
}

Pešić, J.,& Milošević, M.. (2021). Political Clientelism and Private Security Sector in Serbia. in Political Clientelism in the Western Balkans
Institute for Sociological, Political and Judicial Research, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje (ISPJR-UKIM)., 109-133.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3538

Pešić J, Milošević M. Political Clientelism and Private Security Sector in Serbia. in Political Clientelism in the Western Balkans. 2021;:109-133.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3538 .

Pešić, Jelena, Milošević, Marko, "Political Clientelism and Private Security Sector in Serbia" in Political Clientelism in the Western Balkans (2021):109-133,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3538 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
AU  - Spasić, Ivana
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3540
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet
T2  - Pandemija, društvo i simbolički poredak: javni diskursi u/o krizi izazvanoj pandemijom kovida 19
T1  - Uvod: diskurzivna lica pandemije
EP  - 13
SP  - 7
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3540
ER  - 

@article{
editor = "Spasić Ivana",
author = "Pešić, Jelena and Spasić, Ivana",
year = "2021",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet",
journal = "Pandemija, društvo i simbolički poredak: javni diskursi u/o krizi izazvanoj pandemijom kovida 19",
title = "Uvod: diskurzivna lica pandemije",
pages = "13-7",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3540"
}

Spasić Ivana, Pešić, J.,& Spasić, I.. (2021). Uvod: diskurzivna lica pandemije. in Pandemija, društvo i simbolički poredak: javni diskursi u/o krizi izazvanoj pandemijom kovida 19
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet., 7-13.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3540

Spasić Ivana, Pešić J, Spasić I. Uvod: diskurzivna lica pandemije. in Pandemija, društvo i simbolički poredak: javni diskursi u/o krizi izazvanoj pandemijom kovida 19. 2021;:7-13.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3540 .

Spasić Ivana, Pešić, Jelena, Spasić, Ivana, "Uvod: diskurzivna lica pandemije" in Pandemija, društvo i simbolički poredak: javni diskursi u/o krizi izazvanoj pandemijom kovida 19 (2021):7-13,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3540 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3537
UR  - https://nauka.f.bg.ac.rs/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Pandemija-drustvo-i-simbolicki-poredak-NBS.pdf
AB  - Циљ овог рада је да се издвоје различите варијације неолибералног дискурса у медијима у Србији, који су служили било за легитимисање мера које је Влада примењивала како би управљала кризом, било као њихова критика. У фокусу анализе биће дискурси који се односе на улогу државе у управљању кризом.
AB  - The aim of this paper is to single out different varieties of neoliberal
discourse, present in the media in Serbia, which served either to legitimise the
measures applied by the Government to manage the crisis or as their critique.
The analysis focuses on the discourses concerning the role of the state in crisis
management
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet
T2  - Pandemija, društvo i simbolički poredak: javni diskursi u/o krizi izazvanoj pandemijom kovida 19
T1  - Pandemija i neoliberalni diskursi
EP  - 121
SP  - 103
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3537
ER  - 

@inbook{
editor = "Spasić Ivana",
author = "Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Циљ овог рада је да се издвоје различите варијације неолибералног дискурса у медијима у Србији, који су служили било за легитимисање мера које је Влада примењивала како би управљала кризом, било као њихова критика. У фокусу анализе биће дискурси који се односе на улогу државе у управљању кризом., The aim of this paper is to single out different varieties of neoliberal
discourse, present in the media in Serbia, which served either to legitimise the
measures applied by the Government to manage the crisis or as their critique.
The analysis focuses on the discourses concerning the role of the state in crisis
management",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet",
journal = "Pandemija, društvo i simbolički poredak: javni diskursi u/o krizi izazvanoj pandemijom kovida 19",
booktitle = "Pandemija i neoliberalni diskursi",
pages = "121-103",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3537"
}

Spasić Ivana,& Pešić, J.. (2021). Pandemija i neoliberalni diskursi. in Pandemija, društvo i simbolički poredak: javni diskursi u/o krizi izazvanoj pandemijom kovida 19
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet., 103-121.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3537

Spasić Ivana, Pešić J. Pandemija i neoliberalni diskursi. in Pandemija, društvo i simbolički poredak: javni diskursi u/o krizi izazvanoj pandemijom kovida 19. 2021;:103-121.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3537 .

Spasić Ivana, Pešić, Jelena, "Pandemija i neoliberalni diskursi" in Pandemija, društvo i simbolički poredak: javni diskursi u/o krizi izazvanoj pandemijom kovida 19 (2021):103-121,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_3537 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lazić, Mladen
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3139
AB  - Based on research data from 2003, 2012, and 2018, the authors examine the extent to which capitalist social relations in Serbia have determined liberal value orientations. The change of the social order in Serbia after 1990 brought about a radical change of the basis upon which values are constituted. To interpret the relationship between structural and value changes, the authors employ the theory of normative-value dissonance. Special attention in the analysis is paid to the interpretation of value changes based on the distinction between intra- and inter-systemic normative-value dissonance. In the first part of their study, the authors examine changes in the acceptance of liberal values over the period of consolidation of capitalism in Serbia, while in the second part they focus on the 2018 data and specific predictors of political and economic liberalism.
PB  - Walter de Gruyter Gmbh
T2  - Sudosteuropa
T1  - The Stabilisation of the Capitalist Order and Liberal Value Orientations in Serbia
EP  - 407
IS  - 3
SP  - 386
VL  - 68
DO  - 10.1515/soeu-2020-0028
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lazić, Mladen and Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Based on research data from 2003, 2012, and 2018, the authors examine the extent to which capitalist social relations in Serbia have determined liberal value orientations. The change of the social order in Serbia after 1990 brought about a radical change of the basis upon which values are constituted. To interpret the relationship between structural and value changes, the authors employ the theory of normative-value dissonance. Special attention in the analysis is paid to the interpretation of value changes based on the distinction between intra- and inter-systemic normative-value dissonance. In the first part of their study, the authors examine changes in the acceptance of liberal values over the period of consolidation of capitalism in Serbia, while in the second part they focus on the 2018 data and specific predictors of political and economic liberalism.",
publisher = "Walter de Gruyter Gmbh",
journal = "Sudosteuropa",
title = "The Stabilisation of the Capitalist Order and Liberal Value Orientations in Serbia",
pages = "407-386",
number = "3",
volume = "68",
doi = "10.1515/soeu-2020-0028"
}

Lazić, M.,& Pešić, J.. (2020). The Stabilisation of the Capitalist Order and Liberal Value Orientations in Serbia. in Sudosteuropa
Walter de Gruyter Gmbh., 68(3), 386-407.
https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2020-0028

Lazić M, Pešić J. The Stabilisation of the Capitalist Order and Liberal Value Orientations in Serbia. in Sudosteuropa. 2020;68(3):386-407.
doi:10.1515/soeu-2020-0028 .

Lazić, Mladen, Pešić, Jelena, "The Stabilisation of the Capitalist Order and Liberal Value Orientations in Serbia" in Sudosteuropa, 68, no. 3 (2020):386-407,
https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2020-0028 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
AU  - Petrović, Jelisaveta
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3591
AB  - The political and economic crisis that followed the Great Recession (2008) created an impetus for mass mobilisation across Europe, protesting austerity measures or demanding more democracy. In Serbia, the protests organised under the slogan “One of Five Million,” which broke out in late 2018, were not framed as “economic” but solely as “political.” This paper explores the socio-historically embedded opportunities and barriers for the political articulation, mobilisation and institutionalisation of left-wing movements and organisations in Serbia by focusing on their role in the “One of Five Million” protests. We demonstrate that despite greater prospects for the rise of the Left, stemming from the global economic crisis and the adverse socio-economic outcomes of the post-socialist transformation in Serbia, an unfavourable discursive opportunity structure still presents a significant impediment for the development of left-wing political parties and movements.
PB  - Paris: Association française d'études sur les Balkans (Afebalk)
T2  - Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires
T1  - The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests
T1  - Le rôle et le positionnement de la Gauche dans le mouvement « Un sur cinq millions » en Serbie
EP  - 21
IS  - 2
SP  - 1
VL  - 15
DO  - 10.4000/balkanologie.2576
DO  - 10.4000/balkanologie.2576
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pešić, Jelena and Petrović, Jelisaveta",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The political and economic crisis that followed the Great Recession (2008) created an impetus for mass mobilisation across Europe, protesting austerity measures or demanding more democracy. In Serbia, the protests organised under the slogan “One of Five Million,” which broke out in late 2018, were not framed as “economic” but solely as “political.” This paper explores the socio-historically embedded opportunities and barriers for the political articulation, mobilisation and institutionalisation of left-wing movements and organisations in Serbia by focusing on their role in the “One of Five Million” protests. We demonstrate that despite greater prospects for the rise of the Left, stemming from the global economic crisis and the adverse socio-economic outcomes of the post-socialist transformation in Serbia, an unfavourable discursive opportunity structure still presents a significant impediment for the development of left-wing political parties and movements.",
publisher = "Paris: Association française d'études sur les Balkans (Afebalk)",
journal = "Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires",
title = "The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests, Le rôle et le positionnement de la Gauche dans le mouvement « Un sur cinq millions » en Serbie",
pages = "21-1",
number = "2",
volume = "15",
doi = "10.4000/balkanologie.2576, 10.4000/balkanologie.2576"
}

Pešić, J.,& Petrović, J.. (2020). The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests. in Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires
Paris: Association française d'études sur les Balkans (Afebalk)., 15(2), 1-21.
https://doi.org/10.4000/balkanologie.2576

Pešić J, Petrović J. The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests. in Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires. 2020;15(2):1-21.
doi:10.4000/balkanologie.2576 .

Pešić, Jelena, Petrović, Jelisaveta, "The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests" in Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires, 15, no. 2 (2020):1-21,
https://doi.org/10.4000/balkanologie.2576 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3085
AB  - The COVID-19 pandemic caused by the SARS-Cov-2 virus and closing the state borders across the world led to the mass return of the citizens of Serbia immediately before and after the declaration of the state of emergency in March 2020. The measure of placing under health supervision and the obligation of self-isolation, were the key means of mobility management in the situation of the health crisis in Serbia. How were the given measures implemented? How did they affect the citizens who returned to the country? What resources did they have at their disposal and in what way did they meet their basic needs during self-isolation? How was their experience of self-isolation shaped by public media perceptions of diaspora by representatives of the authorities and by their own social environment during the state of emergency? The aim of this paper is to answer these questions relying on the results of the online survey of 305 returnees, conducted during April and May 2020 by the researchers from the Institute for Sociological Research of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Covid-19, mobility and self-isolation. Experiences of the Serbia’s citizens in the times of global pandemic
EP  - 485
IS  - 4
SP  - 467
VL  - 62
DO  - 10.2298/SOC2004467P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The COVID-19 pandemic caused by the SARS-Cov-2 virus and closing the state borders across the world led to the mass return of the citizens of Serbia immediately before and after the declaration of the state of emergency in March 2020. The measure of placing under health supervision and the obligation of self-isolation, were the key means of mobility management in the situation of the health crisis in Serbia. How were the given measures implemented? How did they affect the citizens who returned to the country? What resources did they have at their disposal and in what way did they meet their basic needs during self-isolation? How was their experience of self-isolation shaped by public media perceptions of diaspora by representatives of the authorities and by their own social environment during the state of emergency? The aim of this paper is to answer these questions relying on the results of the online survey of 305 returnees, conducted during April and May 2020 by the researchers from the Institute for Sociological Research of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Covid-19, mobility and self-isolation. Experiences of the Serbia’s citizens in the times of global pandemic",
pages = "485-467",
number = "4",
volume = "62",
doi = "10.2298/SOC2004467P"
}

Pešić, J.. (2020). Covid-19, mobility and self-isolation. Experiences of the Serbia’s citizens in the times of global pandemic. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 62(4), 467-485.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2004467P

Pešić J. Covid-19, mobility and self-isolation. Experiences of the Serbia’s citizens in the times of global pandemic. in Sociologija. 2020;62(4):467-485.
doi:10.2298/SOC2004467P .

Pešić, Jelena, "Covid-19, mobility and self-isolation. Experiences of the Serbia’s citizens in the times of global pandemic" in Sociologija, 62, no. 4 (2020):467-485,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2004467P . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
AU  - Petrović Trifunović, Tamara
AU  - Birešev, Ana
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4285
AB  - The main aim of this paper is to analyse non-responses (“do not know“ and „no answer“ categories) on a wider set of empirical state- ments measuring different attitudes of Serbia’s citizens (towards mar- ket economy, neoliberal economic policies, democracy, ethnic relations, gender roles, morality issues and respecting the law). Following the post-politics (and/or post-democracy) thesis, we assumed that the share of those who have given any answer to the analysed questions will be higher in the case of attitudes related to the issues embedded in the res- pondents’ immediate experiences or to those issues defined as legitimate within the public sphere (such as perceptions of gender roles or ethnic relations) than in the case of attitudes related to abstract concepts of the functioning of political and/or economic systems. The results of the analysis confirmed the hypothesis: the highest share of non-responses was recorded for questions measuring attitudes on democracy and pre- ferred type of economic regulation.
The second hypothesis has been formulated following Pierre Bourdieu’s research on the social conditions of political dispositions and class distribution of competences. His research focused on the structurally determined possibility of articulating political opinion by using legitimate political language, based on the self-recognized ability and the feeling of being competent to express this opinion publicly. Taking these insights as starting points, we assumed that probability of giving non-responses would be higher for people with lower social background, those who have lesser degrees of education, and/or who have been systematically excluded from political processes based on their place of residence (residents of vil- lages or small towns) or gender (women). Although a descriptive analy- sis confirmed the second hypothesis, more precise, regression models showed that education (the possession of cultural capital) – and not the class position – is by far the strongest and the most consistent predictor of non-responses when controlling all other factors.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja
T2  - Stratifikacijske promene u periodu konsolidacije kapitalizma u Srbiji
T1  - Politička kompetencija i konsolidacija kapitalizma u Srbiji: analiza (ne)davanja odgovora na stavove o poželjnom politčkom i ekonomskom poretku
EP  - 313
SP  - 247
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4285
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Pešić, Jelena and Petrović Trifunović, Tamara and Birešev, Ana",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The main aim of this paper is to analyse non-responses (“do not know“ and „no answer“ categories) on a wider set of empirical state- ments measuring different attitudes of Serbia’s citizens (towards mar- ket economy, neoliberal economic policies, democracy, ethnic relations, gender roles, morality issues and respecting the law). Following the post-politics (and/or post-democracy) thesis, we assumed that the share of those who have given any answer to the analysed questions will be higher in the case of attitudes related to the issues embedded in the res- pondents’ immediate experiences or to those issues defined as legitimate within the public sphere (such as perceptions of gender roles or ethnic relations) than in the case of attitudes related to abstract concepts of the functioning of political and/or economic systems. The results of the analysis confirmed the hypothesis: the highest share of non-responses was recorded for questions measuring attitudes on democracy and pre- ferred type of economic regulation.
The second hypothesis has been formulated following Pierre Bourdieu’s research on the social conditions of political dispositions and class distribution of competences. His research focused on the structurally determined possibility of articulating political opinion by using legitimate political language, based on the self-recognized ability and the feeling of being competent to express this opinion publicly. Taking these insights as starting points, we assumed that probability of giving non-responses would be higher for people with lower social background, those who have lesser degrees of education, and/or who have been systematically excluded from political processes based on their place of residence (residents of vil- lages or small towns) or gender (women). Although a descriptive analy- sis confirmed the second hypothesis, more precise, regression models showed that education (the possession of cultural capital) – and not the class position – is by far the strongest and the most consistent predictor of non-responses when controlling all other factors.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja",
journal = "Stratifikacijske promene u periodu konsolidacije kapitalizma u Srbiji",
booktitle = "Politička kompetencija i konsolidacija kapitalizma u Srbiji: analiza (ne)davanja odgovora na stavove o poželjnom politčkom i ekonomskom poretku",
pages = "313-247",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4285"
}

Pešić, J., Petrović Trifunović, T.,& Birešev, A.. (2019). Politička kompetencija i konsolidacija kapitalizma u Srbiji: analiza (ne)davanja odgovora na stavove o poželjnom politčkom i ekonomskom poretku. in Stratifikacijske promene u periodu konsolidacije kapitalizma u Srbiji
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja., 247-313.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4285

Pešić J, Petrović Trifunović T, Birešev A. Politička kompetencija i konsolidacija kapitalizma u Srbiji: analiza (ne)davanja odgovora na stavove o poželjnom politčkom i ekonomskom poretku. in Stratifikacijske promene u periodu konsolidacije kapitalizma u Srbiji. 2019;:247-313.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4285 .

Pešić, Jelena, Petrović Trifunović, Tamara, Birešev, Ana, "Politička kompetencija i konsolidacija kapitalizma u Srbiji: analiza (ne)davanja odgovora na stavove o poželjnom politčkom i ekonomskom poretku" in Stratifikacijske promene u periodu konsolidacije kapitalizma u Srbiji (2019):247-313,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4285 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4284
AB  - Globalni uspon neoliberalnog oblika regulacije kapitalističkog poretka, globalnih tržišta i supranacionalnih političko-bezbednosnih institucija označili su (privremeni?) kraj interesne utemeljenosti političkih elita u nacionalnim kon- tekstima, gde parlamentarne elite ubrzano gube moć, koja prelazi u ruke pred- stavnika izvršne vlasti (Lane, 2014: 111). Pored toga, sa širenjem multinacional- nih kompanija, ekonomske elite ubrzano počinju da se konstituišu na dualnim osnovama: s jedne strane, u njihov sastav ulaze predstavnici lokalnog krupnog kapitala, dok im se, s druge strane, u sve značajnijoj meri pridružuju predstavnici multinacionalnog (stranog) kapitala. Oslanjajući se na staru Polanjijevu tezu da neoliberalizam ima za posledicu nametanja tržišnih merila i vrednosti ne samo ekonomskoj nego i političkoj i društvenoj organizaciji, Dejvid Lejn tvrdi da se hegemone lokalne (političke i ekonomske) elite u sve značajnijoj meri oblikuju i reprodukuju shodno interesima i vrednostima globalnog kapitalističkog sistema, odnosno da u sve manjoj meri predstavljaju interese i dele strukturno-ideološke karakteristike lokalnih populacija. Navedeni proces Lejn naziva divergencijom (de-coupling) elita i populacije, nastojeći da ukaže na neke od njegovih karakteri- stika na primeru Velike Britanije (2014). Na temelju podataka koji su dobijeni putem kvantitativnih empirijskih istraživanja populacije, te predstavnika ekonomske i političke elite u Srbiji (2012–2015), kao i podataka dobijenih u ranijim istraži- vanjima elita i populacije (1989, 2003), nastojaćemo da testiramo ovu hipotezu poredeći odnos između sledećih elemenata u tri vremenske tačke: 1. strukturalne karakteristike: a) materijalni položaj elita i populacije, b) stepen obrazovanja, i c) klasno – slojno poreklo; i 2. vrednosno-ideološke karakteristike: stepen pristajanja uz vrednosti ekonomskog i političkog liberalizma.
AB  - The global rise of the neo-liberal form of capitalist regulation, global
markets and supra-national political and security institutions marked the (temporary?) end of the interest embededness of political elites in national contexts,
with parliamentary elites rapidly losing their power that goes to the hands of
representatives of the executive power (Lane, 2014: 111). In addition, with the
expansion of multinational companies, economic elites are rapidly starting to be
constituted on dual bases: on the one hand, they are comprised of representatives
of local large-scale capital, while, on the other hand, of the representatives of multinational (foreign) capital. Drawing on the old Polanyi’s thesis that neoliberalism
has the effect of imposing market benchmarks and values not only on economic
but also on political and social organization, David Lane argues that hegemonic
local (political and economic) elites are increasingly being shaped and reproduced according to the interests and values of the global capitalist system, that is,
to a lesser degree, they represent the interests and share the structural-ideological
characteristics of the local populations. Lane called this process a de-coupling of
the elite and the population, striving to point out some of its characteristics on
the example of the United Kingdom (2014). On the basis of the data obtained
through quantitative empirical research of the population, representatives of the
economic and political elites in Serbia (2012–2015), as well as data obtained in
previous studies of elites and populations (1989, 2003), we will try to test this
hypothesis by comparing the relationship between the following elements in three
time points: 1. structural characteristics: a) the material position of the elite and
the population, b) the level of education, and c) class origin; and 2. value-ideological characteristics: the degree of acceptance along of the values of economic and
political liberalism.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja
C3  - Srbija u uslovima globalne krize neoliberalnog oblika kapitalističke regulacije
T1  - Karakteristike strukturalne i vrednosno-ideološke divergencije populacije i elita u kontekstu globalnog uspona i krize neoliberalizma: slučaj Srbije
T1  - Characteristics of the structural and valueideological  divergence of the population  and elites in the context of global rise and the crises of neoliberalism: the case  of Serbia
EP  - 51
SP  - 29
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4284
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Globalni uspon neoliberalnog oblika regulacije kapitalističkog poretka, globalnih tržišta i supranacionalnih političko-bezbednosnih institucija označili su (privremeni?) kraj interesne utemeljenosti političkih elita u nacionalnim kon- tekstima, gde parlamentarne elite ubrzano gube moć, koja prelazi u ruke pred- stavnika izvršne vlasti (Lane, 2014: 111). Pored toga, sa širenjem multinacional- nih kompanija, ekonomske elite ubrzano počinju da se konstituišu na dualnim osnovama: s jedne strane, u njihov sastav ulaze predstavnici lokalnog krupnog kapitala, dok im se, s druge strane, u sve značajnijoj meri pridružuju predstavnici multinacionalnog (stranog) kapitala. Oslanjajući se na staru Polanjijevu tezu da neoliberalizam ima za posledicu nametanja tržišnih merila i vrednosti ne samo ekonomskoj nego i političkoj i društvenoj organizaciji, Dejvid Lejn tvrdi da se hegemone lokalne (političke i ekonomske) elite u sve značajnijoj meri oblikuju i reprodukuju shodno interesima i vrednostima globalnog kapitalističkog sistema, odnosno da u sve manjoj meri predstavljaju interese i dele strukturno-ideološke karakteristike lokalnih populacija. Navedeni proces Lejn naziva divergencijom (de-coupling) elita i populacije, nastojeći da ukaže na neke od njegovih karakteri- stika na primeru Velike Britanije (2014). Na temelju podataka koji su dobijeni putem kvantitativnih empirijskih istraživanja populacije, te predstavnika ekonomske i političke elite u Srbiji (2012–2015), kao i podataka dobijenih u ranijim istraži- vanjima elita i populacije (1989, 2003), nastojaćemo da testiramo ovu hipotezu poredeći odnos između sledećih elemenata u tri vremenske tačke: 1. strukturalne karakteristike: a) materijalni položaj elita i populacije, b) stepen obrazovanja, i c) klasno – slojno poreklo; i 2. vrednosno-ideološke karakteristike: stepen pristajanja uz vrednosti ekonomskog i političkog liberalizma., The global rise of the neo-liberal form of capitalist regulation, global
markets and supra-national political and security institutions marked the (temporary?) end of the interest embededness of political elites in national contexts,
with parliamentary elites rapidly losing their power that goes to the hands of
representatives of the executive power (Lane, 2014: 111). In addition, with the
expansion of multinational companies, economic elites are rapidly starting to be
constituted on dual bases: on the one hand, they are comprised of representatives
of local large-scale capital, while, on the other hand, of the representatives of multinational (foreign) capital. Drawing on the old Polanyi’s thesis that neoliberalism
has the effect of imposing market benchmarks and values not only on economic
but also on political and social organization, David Lane argues that hegemonic
local (political and economic) elites are increasingly being shaped and reproduced according to the interests and values of the global capitalist system, that is,
to a lesser degree, they represent the interests and share the structural-ideological
characteristics of the local populations. Lane called this process a de-coupling of
the elite and the population, striving to point out some of its characteristics on
the example of the United Kingdom (2014). On the basis of the data obtained
through quantitative empirical research of the population, representatives of the
economic and political elites in Serbia (2012–2015), as well as data obtained in
previous studies of elites and populations (1989, 2003), we will try to test this
hypothesis by comparing the relationship between the following elements in three
time points: 1. structural characteristics: a) the material position of the elite and
the population, b) the level of education, and c) class origin; and 2. value-ideological characteristics: the degree of acceptance along of the values of economic and
political liberalism.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja",
journal = "Srbija u uslovima globalne krize neoliberalnog oblika kapitalističke regulacije",
title = "Karakteristike strukturalne i vrednosno-ideološke divergencije populacije i elita u kontekstu globalnog uspona i krize neoliberalizma: slučaj Srbije, Characteristics of the structural and valueideological  divergence of the population  and elites in the context of global rise and the crises of neoliberalism: the case  of Serbia",
pages = "51-29",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4284"
}

Pešić, J.. (2018). Karakteristike strukturalne i vrednosno-ideološke divergencije populacije i elita u kontekstu globalnog uspona i krize neoliberalizma: slučaj Srbije. in Srbija u uslovima globalne krize neoliberalnog oblika kapitalističke regulacije
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja., 29-51.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4284

Pešić J. Karakteristike strukturalne i vrednosno-ideološke divergencije populacije i elita u kontekstu globalnog uspona i krize neoliberalizma: slučaj Srbije. in Srbija u uslovima globalne krize neoliberalnog oblika kapitalističke regulacije. 2018;:29-51.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4284 .

Pešić, Jelena, "Karakteristike strukturalne i vrednosno-ideološke divergencije populacije i elita u kontekstu globalnog uspona i krize neoliberalizma: slučaj Srbije" in Srbija u uslovima globalne krize neoliberalnog oblika kapitalističke regulacije (2018):29-51,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4284 .

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4224
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja
T1  - Promena vrednosnih orijentacija u postsocijalističkim društvima Srbije i Hrvatske: politički i ekonomski liberalizam
EP  - 299 str.
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4224
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2017",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja",
title = "Promena vrednosnih orijentacija u postsocijalističkim društvima Srbije i Hrvatske: politički i ekonomski liberalizam",
pages = "299 str.",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4224"
}

Pešić, J.. (2017). Promena vrednosnih orijentacija u postsocijalističkim društvima Srbije i Hrvatske: politički i ekonomski liberalizam. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Institut za sociološka istraživanja..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4224

Pešić J. Promena vrednosnih orijentacija u postsocijalističkim društvima Srbije i Hrvatske: politički i ekonomski liberalizam. 2017;:null-299 str..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4224 .

Pešić, Jelena, "Promena vrednosnih orijentacija u postsocijalističkim društvima Srbije i Hrvatske: politički i ekonomski liberalizam" (2017),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4224 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lazić, Mladen
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2324
AB  - The text firstly addresses the thesis that systemic transformation - from a socialist to a capitalist order - changes both the preconditions on the basis of which political elite is constituted, and its main characteristics. Considering the specific course of transformation in Serbia, this indicates the difficulties for the transformation of its divided political elite - characterizing the aftermath of the breakdown of socialism - into a consensual elite that represents a type prevailing in liberal-democratic systems. The political elite in Serbia may thus be defined as primarily fragmented, with initial elements of consensuality. The main thesis is examined through an analysis of the changes in the character of political elites at two different levels: subjective, regarding their attitudes towards the EU based on 2007 and 2009 IntUne data; and objective (patterns of recruitment of their members based on 1989, 2003 and 2015 data on intra - and intergenerational mobility). The main findings reveal the gradual (although not yet completed) consolidation of political elites regarding their attitudes towards the EU, but also changing patterns of elite members' recruitment based on political competition and the increasing self-reproduction of the ruling elites, indicating the formation of biased pluralism.
PB  - Corvinus Univ Budapest, Doctoral Sch Sociology, Budapest
T2  - Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy
T1  - Making a new consensual elite in Serbia
EP  - 219
IS  - 3
SP  - 195
VL  - 8
DO  - 10.14267/CJSSP.2017.3S.09
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lazić, Mladen and Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2017",
abstract = "The text firstly addresses the thesis that systemic transformation - from a socialist to a capitalist order - changes both the preconditions on the basis of which political elite is constituted, and its main characteristics. Considering the specific course of transformation in Serbia, this indicates the difficulties for the transformation of its divided political elite - characterizing the aftermath of the breakdown of socialism - into a consensual elite that represents a type prevailing in liberal-democratic systems. The political elite in Serbia may thus be defined as primarily fragmented, with initial elements of consensuality. The main thesis is examined through an analysis of the changes in the character of political elites at two different levels: subjective, regarding their attitudes towards the EU based on 2007 and 2009 IntUne data; and objective (patterns of recruitment of their members based on 1989, 2003 and 2015 data on intra - and intergenerational mobility). The main findings reveal the gradual (although not yet completed) consolidation of political elites regarding their attitudes towards the EU, but also changing patterns of elite members' recruitment based on political competition and the increasing self-reproduction of the ruling elites, indicating the formation of biased pluralism.",
publisher = "Corvinus Univ Budapest, Doctoral Sch Sociology, Budapest",
journal = "Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy",
title = "Making a new consensual elite in Serbia",
pages = "219-195",
number = "3",
volume = "8",
doi = "10.14267/CJSSP.2017.3S.09"
}

Lazić, M.,& Pešić, J.. (2017). Making a new consensual elite in Serbia. in Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy
Corvinus Univ Budapest, Doctoral Sch Sociology, Budapest., 8(3), 195-219.
https://doi.org/10.14267/CJSSP.2017.3S.09

Lazić M, Pešić J. Making a new consensual elite in Serbia. in Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy. 2017;8(3):195-219.
doi:10.14267/CJSSP.2017.3S.09 .

Lazić, Mladen, Pešić, Jelena, "Making a new consensual elite in Serbia" in Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, 8, no. 3 (2017):195-219,
https://doi.org/10.14267/CJSSP.2017.3S.09 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Petrović, Jelisaveta
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2400
AB  - Almost a million people from Middle East and North Africa have passed through the territory of Serbia on their way to Western Europe during 2015 and 2016. Although Serbia has predominantly been a transit country for migrants, this re-cent passage of a large number of people, as well as a longer retention of some migrants, opened up a number of questions on capacities for emergent acceptance but also on long term integration of this population. The paper examines the characteristics of citizens' attitudes towards the migrant population with the intention of determining which perspective - security, hu-manitarian or integrative - is being distinguished as a dominant one? Under the security perspective, it is understood that migrants pose a potential risk for the security of domestic population. The humanitarian perspective refers to a belief that migrants need to be provided with necessary assistance on their way to desti-nation countries. The third, integrative perspective represents the "most open" attitude towards migrants and implies that it is necessary to provide the oppor-tunity for more permanent integration of the migrant population. In addition to that, the paper examines the existence of statistically significant variations in the degree of acceptance of the attitudes measuring mentioned perspectives in terms of socio-demographic and socio-cultural factors. The analysis is based on the data collected through the survey conducted in the spring of 2016 on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (without Kosovo) that numbered 998 respondents. Findings show that the humanitarian perspective is the most prevalent in the population, which is in line with the transitional char-acter of migration. Ethnic distance is the most influential factor in shaping atti-tudes towards migrants. This finding indicates that attitudes toward migrants are more the result of the socio-psychological factors than the micro-structural factors or the demographic and cultural characteristics. Furthermore, this finding points to the deeper historical roots of factors shaping the examined perspectives, but also indicates the directions of potential positive action through the breaking of negative stereotypes and formulation of adequate strategies for the promotion of multicultural societies.
PB  - Institut društvenih nauka - Centar za demografska istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Stanovništvo
T1  - Izmedu integracije, bezbednosti i humanitarnosti: stavovi građana Srbije o migrantima
T1  - Between integration, security and humanitarianism: Serbian Citi-zens' attitudes towards migrants
EP  - 51
IS  - 2
SP  - 25
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.2298/STNV1702025P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Petrović, Jelisaveta and Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Almost a million people from Middle East and North Africa have passed through the territory of Serbia on their way to Western Europe during 2015 and 2016. Although Serbia has predominantly been a transit country for migrants, this re-cent passage of a large number of people, as well as a longer retention of some migrants, opened up a number of questions on capacities for emergent acceptance but also on long term integration of this population. The paper examines the characteristics of citizens' attitudes towards the migrant population with the intention of determining which perspective - security, hu-manitarian or integrative - is being distinguished as a dominant one? Under the security perspective, it is understood that migrants pose a potential risk for the security of domestic population. The humanitarian perspective refers to a belief that migrants need to be provided with necessary assistance on their way to desti-nation countries. The third, integrative perspective represents the "most open" attitude towards migrants and implies that it is necessary to provide the oppor-tunity for more permanent integration of the migrant population. In addition to that, the paper examines the existence of statistically significant variations in the degree of acceptance of the attitudes measuring mentioned perspectives in terms of socio-demographic and socio-cultural factors. The analysis is based on the data collected through the survey conducted in the spring of 2016 on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (without Kosovo) that numbered 998 respondents. Findings show that the humanitarian perspective is the most prevalent in the population, which is in line with the transitional char-acter of migration. Ethnic distance is the most influential factor in shaping atti-tudes towards migrants. This finding indicates that attitudes toward migrants are more the result of the socio-psychological factors than the micro-structural factors or the demographic and cultural characteristics. Furthermore, this finding points to the deeper historical roots of factors shaping the examined perspectives, but also indicates the directions of potential positive action through the breaking of negative stereotypes and formulation of adequate strategies for the promotion of multicultural societies.",
publisher = "Institut društvenih nauka - Centar za demografska istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Stanovništvo",
title = "Izmedu integracije, bezbednosti i humanitarnosti: stavovi građana Srbije o migrantima, Between integration, security and humanitarianism: Serbian Citi-zens' attitudes towards migrants",
pages = "51-25",
number = "2",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.2298/STNV1702025P"
}

Petrović, J.,& Pešić, J.. (2017). Izmedu integracije, bezbednosti i humanitarnosti: stavovi građana Srbije o migrantima. in Stanovništvo
Institut društvenih nauka - Centar za demografska istraživanja, Beograd., 55(2), 25-51.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STNV1702025P

Petrović J, Pešić J. Izmedu integracije, bezbednosti i humanitarnosti: stavovi građana Srbije o migrantima. in Stanovništvo. 2017;55(2):25-51.
doi:10.2298/STNV1702025P .

Petrović, Jelisaveta, Pešić, Jelena, "Izmedu integracije, bezbednosti i humanitarnosti: stavovi građana Srbije o migrantima" in Stanovništvo, 55, no. 2 (2017):25-51,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STNV1702025P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2423
AB  - Procesi post-socijalističke transformacije obeleženi su sistemskim, strukturalnim, normativno-institucionalnim i vrednosno-ideološkim promenama. Ove poslednje od naročitog su istraživačkog značaja, jer ukazuju na legitimacijske obrasce putem kojih se sistemi reprodukuju, odnosno na poželjne vidove kolektivne i individualne akcije. Osnovni cilj ovog rada je da se, na osnovu empirijske analize dostupnih podataka, utvrdi da li je došlo do promene u stepenu pristajanja uz vrednosnu orijentaciju ekonomskog liberalizma u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske tokom perioda post-socijalističke transformacije. Analiza počiva na dvostrukoj komparaciji - temporalnoj, u okviru koje se utvrđuje promene u stepenu pristajanja uz ekonomski liberalizam tokom vremena (pri tome, za početnu tačku analize je uzeta 1989. godina, dok je krajnja tačka 2003. godina), odnosno lateralnoj, gde se ispituju razlike u rasprostranjenosti ispitivane vrednosne orijentacije u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske. Poseban cilj rada bio je da se utvrdi da li se u ispitivanim društvima stepen pristajanja uz navedenu ideološko-vrednosnu matricu menja s obzirom na klasno-slojni položaj ispitanika.
AB  - The processes of post-socialist transformation have been marked by systemic, structural, normative, institutional and value-ideological changes. Changes in dominant value orientations are of undoubtful research importance since they may point out to the patterns of legitimation of the system, but also to desirable forms of collective and individual actions. The main objective of this paper is to analyse available empirical data for Serbia and Croatia in order to determine whether changes in the level of adherence to the value orientation of economic liberalism occurred during the process of post-socialist transformation. The analysis is based on a double comparison - temporal, aiming to explore changes in the level of adherence to economic liberalism over time (as the starting point of the analysis data from 1989 were taken, while the endpoint represented data from 2003), and lateral, examining differences in the level of acceptance of economic liberalism in Serbian and Croatian societies. The specific objective of this study was to determine whether the level of acceptance of economic liberalism is related to class position.
PB  - Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Sociološki pregled
T1  - Ekonomski liberalizam u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske tokom perioda postsocijalističke transformacije - uporedna empirijska analiza
T1  - Economic liberalism in societies of Serbia and Croatia during the period of post-socialist transformation: A comparative empirical analysis
EP  - 58
IS  - 1
SP  - 29
VL  - 51
DO  - 10.5937/socpreg1701029P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Procesi post-socijalističke transformacije obeleženi su sistemskim, strukturalnim, normativno-institucionalnim i vrednosno-ideološkim promenama. Ove poslednje od naročitog su istraživačkog značaja, jer ukazuju na legitimacijske obrasce putem kojih se sistemi reprodukuju, odnosno na poželjne vidove kolektivne i individualne akcije. Osnovni cilj ovog rada je da se, na osnovu empirijske analize dostupnih podataka, utvrdi da li je došlo do promene u stepenu pristajanja uz vrednosnu orijentaciju ekonomskog liberalizma u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske tokom perioda post-socijalističke transformacije. Analiza počiva na dvostrukoj komparaciji - temporalnoj, u okviru koje se utvrđuje promene u stepenu pristajanja uz ekonomski liberalizam tokom vremena (pri tome, za početnu tačku analize je uzeta 1989. godina, dok je krajnja tačka 2003. godina), odnosno lateralnoj, gde se ispituju razlike u rasprostranjenosti ispitivane vrednosne orijentacije u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske. Poseban cilj rada bio je da se utvrdi da li se u ispitivanim društvima stepen pristajanja uz navedenu ideološko-vrednosnu matricu menja s obzirom na klasno-slojni položaj ispitanika., The processes of post-socialist transformation have been marked by systemic, structural, normative, institutional and value-ideological changes. Changes in dominant value orientations are of undoubtful research importance since they may point out to the patterns of legitimation of the system, but also to desirable forms of collective and individual actions. The main objective of this paper is to analyse available empirical data for Serbia and Croatia in order to determine whether changes in the level of adherence to the value orientation of economic liberalism occurred during the process of post-socialist transformation. The analysis is based on a double comparison - temporal, aiming to explore changes in the level of adherence to economic liberalism over time (as the starting point of the analysis data from 1989 were taken, while the endpoint represented data from 2003), and lateral, examining differences in the level of acceptance of economic liberalism in Serbian and Croatian societies. The specific objective of this study was to determine whether the level of acceptance of economic liberalism is related to class position.",
publisher = "Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Sociološki pregled",
title = "Ekonomski liberalizam u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske tokom perioda postsocijalističke transformacije - uporedna empirijska analiza, Economic liberalism in societies of Serbia and Croatia during the period of post-socialist transformation: A comparative empirical analysis",
pages = "58-29",
number = "1",
volume = "51",
doi = "10.5937/socpreg1701029P"
}

Pešić, J.. (2017). Ekonomski liberalizam u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske tokom perioda postsocijalističke transformacije - uporedna empirijska analiza. in Sociološki pregled
Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd., 51(1), 29-58.
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1701029P

Pešić J. Ekonomski liberalizam u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske tokom perioda postsocijalističke transformacije - uporedna empirijska analiza. in Sociološki pregled. 2017;51(1):29-58.
doi:10.5937/socpreg1701029P .

Pešić, Jelena, "Ekonomski liberalizam u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske tokom perioda postsocijalističke transformacije - uporedna empirijska analiza" in Sociološki pregled, 51, no. 1 (2017):29-58,
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1701029P . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2383
AB  - The aim of this paper is to determine the extent to which participants in the Protests against Dictatorship were ready to engage in various forms of collective action over the past three years. In accordance with Pippa Norris' division of the repertoire of actions on those oriented towards the problems of citizens and directed towards decision-makers in the political sphere and repertoires oriented towards the broader social goals, and with corresponding distinction between the traditional and modern agencies of collective actions, we tried to test the hypothesis that participants in the Protests against Dictatorship show a relatively high degree of readiness to engage in both traditional and contemporary forms of collective engagement. In addition, we tried to examine the claim that contemporary repertoires of collective actions will be more strongly represented among the younger population, as well as the thesis that the level of engagement will be in a positive relation with the resources that participants in the protest posses (educational, material, organizational, social, etc.). Finally, we tested the hypothesis that readiness to participate in civic and political actions is growing with a degree of trust in the institutions of representative democracy, but also with an assessment of the importance of a democratic political order. The hypotheses were tested on empirical data obtained through a survey of protest participants conducted during April and May 2017.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Political Participation of the Participants in the Protests Against Dictatorship
EP  - 475
IS  - 4
SP  - 452
VL  - 59
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1704452P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2017",
abstract = "The aim of this paper is to determine the extent to which participants in the Protests against Dictatorship were ready to engage in various forms of collective action over the past three years. In accordance with Pippa Norris' division of the repertoire of actions on those oriented towards the problems of citizens and directed towards decision-makers in the political sphere and repertoires oriented towards the broader social goals, and with corresponding distinction between the traditional and modern agencies of collective actions, we tried to test the hypothesis that participants in the Protests against Dictatorship show a relatively high degree of readiness to engage in both traditional and contemporary forms of collective engagement. In addition, we tried to examine the claim that contemporary repertoires of collective actions will be more strongly represented among the younger population, as well as the thesis that the level of engagement will be in a positive relation with the resources that participants in the protest posses (educational, material, organizational, social, etc.). Finally, we tested the hypothesis that readiness to participate in civic and political actions is growing with a degree of trust in the institutions of representative democracy, but also with an assessment of the importance of a democratic political order. The hypotheses were tested on empirical data obtained through a survey of protest participants conducted during April and May 2017.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Political Participation of the Participants in the Protests Against Dictatorship",
pages = "475-452",
number = "4",
volume = "59",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1704452P"
}

Pešić, J.. (2017). Political Participation of the Participants in the Protests Against Dictatorship. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 59(4), 452-475.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1704452P

Pešić J. Political Participation of the Participants in the Protests Against Dictatorship. in Sociologija. 2017;59(4):452-475.
doi:10.2298/SOC1704452P .

Pešić, Jelena, "Political Participation of the Participants in the Protests Against Dictatorship" in Sociologija, 59, no. 4 (2017):452-475,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1704452P . .

TY  - THES
AU  - Pešić, Jelena N.
PY  - 2016
UR  - https://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/6178
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=3464
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:12084/bdef:Content/download
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:12105/bdef:Izvestaj/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=526811543
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3636
AB  - Predmet doktorske disertacije predstavlja komparativna analiza promene dominantnih vrednosnih orijentacija u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske, tokom perioda post-socijalističke transformacije. Početnu tačku predstavlja socijalistički sistem društvenih odnosa, to jest 1989. godina, dok je krajnja tačka određena konsolidacijom kapitalističkog sistema, odnosno 2003. godinom. Pored komparativne analize empirijske građe, koja je prikupljena putem anketnih istraživanja u okviru dva istraživačka projekta – Promene u klasnoj strukturi i pokretljivosti u SFRJ (1989) i South-Eastern European Social Survey Project (2003) – nastojali smo da dugotrajno opstajanje pojedinih vrednosnih obrazaca, odnosno slabiju ukorenjenost drugih, sagledamo ne samo iz perspektive aktuelnih društvenih procesa, već i s obzirom na širu istorijsko-razvojnu dinamiku dva društva. Rad je podeljen na dve velike analitičke celine: jedna koja se bavi istorijskim procesima dugog trajanja, uz nastojanje da se otkrivanjem sličnosti i specifičnosti u razvojnim putanjama društava Srbije i Hrvatske, objasne eventualne razlike u stepenu rasprostranjenosti proučavanih vrednosnih orijentacija; druga celina je empirijska i odnosi se na analizu promena u stepenu rasprostranjenosti pet odabranih vrednosnih dimenzija – autoritarnosti, patrijarhalnosti, nacionalizma, političkog i ekonomskog liberalizma – tokom perioda transformacije. Odabrane vrednosne dimenzije su podeljene u dve grupe: 1. trans-istorijske vrednosti (autoritarnost, patrijarhalnost i nacionalizam) i 2. sistemske vrednosti (politički i ekonomski liberalizam). Shodno ovoj podeli, testirane su dve hipoteze: 1. da je dugotrajni opstanak trans-istorijskih vrednosti u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske posledica zakasnele kapitalističke modernizacije na periferijskim osnovama, te da je njihova reprodukcija bila moguća u različitim sistemskim okvirima; i 2. da su isti procesi zakasnele kapitalističke modernizacije – tokom 19. i početkom 20. veka - onemogućili snažnije ukorenjivanje političkog i ekonomskog liberalizma u dva društva, odnosno da se snažnija rasprostranjenost ovih vrednosti može očekivati tek sa konsolidacijom kapitalističkog poretka. Razradom prve hipoteze nastojali smo da ispitamo da li trans-istorijske vrednosti – autoritarnost, nacionalizam i patrijarhalnost – čine jedinstven tradicionalistički sindrom, koji je ukorenjen u istorijskoj prošlosti dva društva, te je stoga teže podložan promenama, dok je, razradom druge hipoteze osistemskom karakteru političkog i ekonomskog liberalizma, uz oslanjanje na teoriju vrednosno-normativne disonance, testirano u kojoj meri postepena konsolidacija novog kapitalističkog tipa društvenog poretka vodi napuštanju starih, socijalističkih vrednosti. Rezultati analize su tek delimično potvrdili dve hipoteze: naime, iako gotovo nema sumnje da autoritarnost i patrijarhalna orijentacija predstavljaju deo jedinstvenog vrednosnog sindroma, utemeljenog u istorijskim procesima koji su oblikovali razvoj proučavanih društva tokom protekla dva veka, isto se ne može reći za nacionalističku orijentaciju, čija je vezanost za tradicionalistički sindrom tek posredna i oblikovana specifičnim društveno-istorijskim okolnostima (pre svega, instrumentalnom upotrebom ove ideološke matrice od strane vladajućih društvenih grupacija). S druge strane, rezultati analize su pokazali da postepena konsolidacija novog – kapitalističkog - tipa društvenog poretka i njegovog normativnog okvira ne vode nužno snažnijem ukorenjivanju odgovarajućih vrednosti – političkog i ekonomskog liberalizma: globalna kriza neoliberalnog oblika kapitalističke regulacije, kao i neuspeh sistema da zadovolji potrebe širih društvenih grupa, uslovili su, u situaciji nepostojanja alternativne ideološke paradigme, reinterpretaciju socijalističkih vrednosti i njihovo prilagođavanje promenjenim društvenim oklonostima. Poredbeni plan analize je ukazao na sličnosti u ispoljenim procesima između društava Hrvatske i Srbije, uz dve ograde: nešto brži tempo sistemskih promena i snažnija izloženost procesima kulturne i institucionalne univerzalizacije u Hrvatskoj, u odnosu na Srbiju, uslovio je značajniji otklon od tradicionalističkih vrednosti (patrijarhalnosti, pre svega), uz snažnije opstajanje nacionalizma u ovom društvu (koji, po svemu sudeći, dobija sistemske karakteristike); brža konsolidacija kapitalističkih odnosa u Hrvatskoj i ranije ispoljavanje posledica neoliberalnih oblika ekonomske regulacije, doveo je do snažnijeg odbacivanja ekonomskog liberalizma u ovom društvu, u odnosu na Srbiju.
AB  - The main subject of this doctoral dissertation is to compare changes in dominant value orientations in post-socialist societies of Serbia and Croatia. The starting point of the analysis is the year 1989, i. e. socialist system of social relations, while the end point is set to the year 2003, representing the period of consolidation of capitalist system of social relations. Besides secondary comparative analysis of empirical data, obtained in two large survey projects – Changes in the Class Structure and Social Mobility in SFRY (1989) and South-Eastern European Social Survey Project (2003) - we intended to explain long-term survival of certain value patterns and weaker rootedness of others not only from the perspective of current social processes, but also with regard to a broader historical and developmental dynamics of examined societies. The dissertation is, therefore, divided into two larger analytical units: in the first one the focus is on long-duree historical processes, with an aim of examining the similarities and specificities in developmental paths of Serbian and Croatian societies, in order to explain eventual differences in the prevalence of examined value patterns; the second part of the dissertation is dedicated to empirical analysis of several value orientations – authoritarian, patriarchal, nationalist, and liberal (economic and political). The chosen value dimensions are being divided into two groups: 1. trans-historical values (comprising authoritarianism, patriarchalism and nationalism), and 2. systemic values (political and economic liberalism). Having in mind this classification, we have tested two major hypotheses: 1. that long-term survival of trans-historic values in two societies is the consequence of the late capitalist modernization on peripheral grounds (during late 19th and early 20th century); and 2. the same processes disabled stronger historical entrenchment of political and economic liberalism among wider social strata (thus, the stronger prevalence of those values is to be expected with further consolidation of capitalist system). By elaborating the first hypothesis, we wanted to examine whether trans-historical value orientations – authoritarianism, nationalism and patriarchalism – form unique traditionalist syndrome, that is deeply entrenched in historical processes that shaped two societies and therefore not susceptible to rapid changes; by developing thesecond hypothesis on systemic character of political and economic liberalism, relying thereby on the theory of normative-value dissonance, we wanted to test whether consolidation of the new, capitalist, social order, leads to stronger abandonment of the old, socialists values. The results of the analysis only partially confirmed two hypothesis: although there is no doubt that authoritarianism and patriarchalism represent two dimensions of unique traditionalist syndrome, grounded in long-duree historical processes, the same cannot be said for nationalism, which relation to the syndrome is not direct, but rather determined by specific socio-historic circumstances (above all, by instrumental use of this ideology by the members of the ruling classes). Results of the analysis, on the other hand, showed that gradual consolidation of the capitalist social order (and its normative and institutional framework) does not necessarely lead to stronger entrenchment of adequate values – political and economic liberalism: global crisis of neoliberal capitalist regulation, as well as inefficiency of the system in meeting the needs and interests of wider social groups, determined the revival and reinterpretation of old, socialist values and their adaptation to new social contexts. Comparative part of the analysis revealed that similar processes occurred in Serbian and Croatian societies, with two reservations: the stronger tempo of systemic transformation and exposure to cultural and institutional universalization in Croatia than in Serbia, led to firmer abandonment of traditionalist values (primarily, patriarchalism), alongside with stronger survival of nationalist values in this society (which, apparently, takes on systemic features); stronger consolidation of capitalist relations in Croatia and sooner meeting with the consequences that neoliberal capitalism brought about, led to stronger rejection of economic liberalism in this society.
PB  - Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет
T2  - Универзитет у Београду
T1  - Vrednosne orijentacije u post-socijalističkim društvima Srbije i Hrvatske
T1  - Value orientations in postsocialist societies of Serbia and Croatia
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_6178
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Pešić, Jelena N.",
year = "2016",
abstract = "Predmet doktorske disertacije predstavlja komparativna analiza promene dominantnih vrednosnih orijentacija u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske, tokom perioda post-socijalističke transformacije. Početnu tačku predstavlja socijalistički sistem društvenih odnosa, to jest 1989. godina, dok je krajnja tačka određena konsolidacijom kapitalističkog sistema, odnosno 2003. godinom. Pored komparativne analize empirijske građe, koja je prikupljena putem anketnih istraživanja u okviru dva istraživačka projekta – Promene u klasnoj strukturi i pokretljivosti u SFRJ (1989) i South-Eastern European Social Survey Project (2003) – nastojali smo da dugotrajno opstajanje pojedinih vrednosnih obrazaca, odnosno slabiju ukorenjenost drugih, sagledamo ne samo iz perspektive aktuelnih društvenih procesa, već i s obzirom na širu istorijsko-razvojnu dinamiku dva društva. Rad je podeljen na dve velike analitičke celine: jedna koja se bavi istorijskim procesima dugog trajanja, uz nastojanje da se otkrivanjem sličnosti i specifičnosti u razvojnim putanjama društava Srbije i Hrvatske, objasne eventualne razlike u stepenu rasprostranjenosti proučavanih vrednosnih orijentacija; druga celina je empirijska i odnosi se na analizu promena u stepenu rasprostranjenosti pet odabranih vrednosnih dimenzija – autoritarnosti, patrijarhalnosti, nacionalizma, političkog i ekonomskog liberalizma – tokom perioda transformacije. Odabrane vrednosne dimenzije su podeljene u dve grupe: 1. trans-istorijske vrednosti (autoritarnost, patrijarhalnost i nacionalizam) i 2. sistemske vrednosti (politički i ekonomski liberalizam). Shodno ovoj podeli, testirane su dve hipoteze: 1. da je dugotrajni opstanak trans-istorijskih vrednosti u društvima Srbije i Hrvatske posledica zakasnele kapitalističke modernizacije na periferijskim osnovama, te da je njihova reprodukcija bila moguća u različitim sistemskim okvirima; i 2. da su isti procesi zakasnele kapitalističke modernizacije – tokom 19. i početkom 20. veka - onemogućili snažnije ukorenjivanje političkog i ekonomskog liberalizma u dva društva, odnosno da se snažnija rasprostranjenost ovih vrednosti može očekivati tek sa konsolidacijom kapitalističkog poretka. Razradom prve hipoteze nastojali smo da ispitamo da li trans-istorijske vrednosti – autoritarnost, nacionalizam i patrijarhalnost – čine jedinstven tradicionalistički sindrom, koji je ukorenjen u istorijskoj prošlosti dva društva, te je stoga teže podložan promenama, dok je, razradom druge hipoteze osistemskom karakteru političkog i ekonomskog liberalizma, uz oslanjanje na teoriju vrednosno-normativne disonance, testirano u kojoj meri postepena konsolidacija novog kapitalističkog tipa društvenog poretka vodi napuštanju starih, socijalističkih vrednosti. Rezultati analize su tek delimično potvrdili dve hipoteze: naime, iako gotovo nema sumnje da autoritarnost i patrijarhalna orijentacija predstavljaju deo jedinstvenog vrednosnog sindroma, utemeljenog u istorijskim procesima koji su oblikovali razvoj proučavanih društva tokom protekla dva veka, isto se ne može reći za nacionalističku orijentaciju, čija je vezanost za tradicionalistički sindrom tek posredna i oblikovana specifičnim društveno-istorijskim okolnostima (pre svega, instrumentalnom upotrebom ove ideološke matrice od strane vladajućih društvenih grupacija). S druge strane, rezultati analize su pokazali da postepena konsolidacija novog – kapitalističkog - tipa društvenog poretka i njegovog normativnog okvira ne vode nužno snažnijem ukorenjivanju odgovarajućih vrednosti – političkog i ekonomskog liberalizma: globalna kriza neoliberalnog oblika kapitalističke regulacije, kao i neuspeh sistema da zadovolji potrebe širih društvenih grupa, uslovili su, u situaciji nepostojanja alternativne ideološke paradigme, reinterpretaciju socijalističkih vrednosti i njihovo prilagođavanje promenjenim društvenim oklonostima. Poredbeni plan analize je ukazao na sličnosti u ispoljenim procesima između društava Hrvatske i Srbije, uz dve ograde: nešto brži tempo sistemskih promena i snažnija izloženost procesima kulturne i institucionalne univerzalizacije u Hrvatskoj, u odnosu na Srbiju, uslovio je značajniji otklon od tradicionalističkih vrednosti (patrijarhalnosti, pre svega), uz snažnije opstajanje nacionalizma u ovom društvu (koji, po svemu sudeći, dobija sistemske karakteristike); brža konsolidacija kapitalističkih odnosa u Hrvatskoj i ranije ispoljavanje posledica neoliberalnih oblika ekonomske regulacije, doveo je do snažnijeg odbacivanja ekonomskog liberalizma u ovom društvu, u odnosu na Srbiju., The main subject of this doctoral dissertation is to compare changes in dominant value orientations in post-socialist societies of Serbia and Croatia. The starting point of the analysis is the year 1989, i. e. socialist system of social relations, while the end point is set to the year 2003, representing the period of consolidation of capitalist system of social relations. Besides secondary comparative analysis of empirical data, obtained in two large survey projects – Changes in the Class Structure and Social Mobility in SFRY (1989) and South-Eastern European Social Survey Project (2003) - we intended to explain long-term survival of certain value patterns and weaker rootedness of others not only from the perspective of current social processes, but also with regard to a broader historical and developmental dynamics of examined societies. The dissertation is, therefore, divided into two larger analytical units: in the first one the focus is on long-duree historical processes, with an aim of examining the similarities and specificities in developmental paths of Serbian and Croatian societies, in order to explain eventual differences in the prevalence of examined value patterns; the second part of the dissertation is dedicated to empirical analysis of several value orientations – authoritarian, patriarchal, nationalist, and liberal (economic and political). The chosen value dimensions are being divided into two groups: 1. trans-historical values (comprising authoritarianism, patriarchalism and nationalism), and 2. systemic values (political and economic liberalism). Having in mind this classification, we have tested two major hypotheses: 1. that long-term survival of trans-historic values in two societies is the consequence of the late capitalist modernization on peripheral grounds (during late 19th and early 20th century); and 2. the same processes disabled stronger historical entrenchment of political and economic liberalism among wider social strata (thus, the stronger prevalence of those values is to be expected with further consolidation of capitalist system). By elaborating the first hypothesis, we wanted to examine whether trans-historical value orientations – authoritarianism, nationalism and patriarchalism – form unique traditionalist syndrome, that is deeply entrenched in historical processes that shaped two societies and therefore not susceptible to rapid changes; by developing thesecond hypothesis on systemic character of political and economic liberalism, relying thereby on the theory of normative-value dissonance, we wanted to test whether consolidation of the new, capitalist, social order, leads to stronger abandonment of the old, socialists values. The results of the analysis only partially confirmed two hypothesis: although there is no doubt that authoritarianism and patriarchalism represent two dimensions of unique traditionalist syndrome, grounded in long-duree historical processes, the same cannot be said for nationalism, which relation to the syndrome is not direct, but rather determined by specific socio-historic circumstances (above all, by instrumental use of this ideology by the members of the ruling classes). Results of the analysis, on the other hand, showed that gradual consolidation of the capitalist social order (and its normative and institutional framework) does not necessarely lead to stronger entrenchment of adequate values – political and economic liberalism: global crisis of neoliberal capitalist regulation, as well as inefficiency of the system in meeting the needs and interests of wider social groups, determined the revival and reinterpretation of old, socialist values and their adaptation to new social contexts. Comparative part of the analysis revealed that similar processes occurred in Serbian and Croatian societies, with two reservations: the stronger tempo of systemic transformation and exposure to cultural and institutional universalization in Croatia than in Serbia, led to firmer abandonment of traditionalist values (primarily, patriarchalism), alongside with stronger survival of nationalist values in this society (which, apparently, takes on systemic features); stronger consolidation of capitalist relations in Croatia and sooner meeting with the consequences that neoliberal capitalism brought about, led to stronger rejection of economic liberalism in this society.",
publisher = "Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет",
journal = "Универзитет у Београду",
title = "Vrednosne orijentacije u post-socijalističkim društvima Srbije i Hrvatske, Value orientations in postsocialist societies of Serbia and Croatia",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_6178"
}

Pešić, J. N.. (2016). Vrednosne orijentacije u post-socijalističkim društvima Srbije i Hrvatske. in Универзитет у Београду
Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_6178

Pešić JN. Vrednosne orijentacije u post-socijalističkim društvima Srbije i Hrvatske. in Универзитет у Београду. 2016;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_6178 .

Pešić, Jelena N., "Vrednosne orijentacije u post-socijalističkim društvima Srbije i Hrvatske" in Универзитет у Београду (2016),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_nardus_6178 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lazić, Mladen
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2217
AB  - The article presents the results of an analysis of attitudes towards the importance of components of national identity - cultural, ascriptive and civic based on data collected from a survey conducted in seventeen European countries. Differences in identity formation between countries with specific historical legacies (democratic traditions, dominant religious denomination, and ethnic composition) and structural characteristics (GDP per capita, level of urbanization, migration rate, and tertiary education attainment rate) are analysed, as well as the significance of different individual predictors (gender, age and university education). The main hypothesis, that modernization processes influence the strengthening of the civic component, as well as the weakening of ascriptive and cultural components, was confirmed. However, the results suggest that the modernizing effects of the examined factors (economic, cultural and political) are visible only up to a certain level of development, whereupon they tend to decrease their influence. The strongest influence on the strength of civic components is recorded for an economic factor - GDP per capita. Although civic components proved to be dominant in shaping the national identities across the examined countries, the other two traits - ascriptive and cultural - do not disappear, testifying to the still hybrid nature of national identity.
PB  - Corvinus Univ Budapest, Doctoral Sch Sociology, Budapest
T2  - Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy
T1  - Components of national identities - a comparative sociological analysis
EP  - 49
IS  - 1
SP  - 27
VL  - 7
DO  - 10.14267/CJSSP.2016.01.02
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lazić, Mladen and Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2016",
abstract = "The article presents the results of an analysis of attitudes towards the importance of components of national identity - cultural, ascriptive and civic based on data collected from a survey conducted in seventeen European countries. Differences in identity formation between countries with specific historical legacies (democratic traditions, dominant religious denomination, and ethnic composition) and structural characteristics (GDP per capita, level of urbanization, migration rate, and tertiary education attainment rate) are analysed, as well as the significance of different individual predictors (gender, age and university education). The main hypothesis, that modernization processes influence the strengthening of the civic component, as well as the weakening of ascriptive and cultural components, was confirmed. However, the results suggest that the modernizing effects of the examined factors (economic, cultural and political) are visible only up to a certain level of development, whereupon they tend to decrease their influence. The strongest influence on the strength of civic components is recorded for an economic factor - GDP per capita. Although civic components proved to be dominant in shaping the national identities across the examined countries, the other two traits - ascriptive and cultural - do not disappear, testifying to the still hybrid nature of national identity.",
publisher = "Corvinus Univ Budapest, Doctoral Sch Sociology, Budapest",
journal = "Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy",
title = "Components of national identities - a comparative sociological analysis",
pages = "49-27",
number = "1",
volume = "7",
doi = "10.14267/CJSSP.2016.01.02"
}

Lazić, M.,& Pešić, J.. (2016). Components of national identities - a comparative sociological analysis. in Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy
Corvinus Univ Budapest, Doctoral Sch Sociology, Budapest., 7(1), 27-49.
https://doi.org/10.14267/CJSSP.2016.01.02

Lazić M, Pešić J. Components of national identities - a comparative sociological analysis. in Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy. 2016;7(1):27-49.
doi:10.14267/CJSSP.2016.01.02 .

Lazić, Mladen, Pešić, Jelena, "Components of national identities - a comparative sociological analysis" in Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, 7, no. 1 (2016):27-49,
https://doi.org/10.14267/CJSSP.2016.01.02 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lazić, Mladen
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2029
AB  - U članku se analiziraju stavovi stanovništva o važnosti osnovnih komponenti nacionalnog identiteta - kulturne, askriptivne i civilne - dobijeni u istraživanju sprovedenom u 17 evropskih zemalja (projekat INTUNE). Nastoji se utvrditi valjanost hipoteze da procesi modernizacije jačaju prisustvo civilne komponente i vode slabljenju askriptivne i kulturne komponente. Stoga se utvrđuju razlike u karakteristikama identiteta koje postoje između zemalja sa specifičnim istorijskim nasleđem (dužina demokratskog poretka, preovlađujuća religijska denominacija i etnički sastav), posebnim strukturalnim karakteristikama (društveni proizvod po stanovniku, nivo urbanizacije, procenat imigrantskog stanovništva, procenat univerzitetski obrazovanih), kao i značaj različitih individualnih karakteristika (pol, starost, obrazovanje). Iako je osnovna hipoteza potvrđena, podaci sugerišu da su posledice pomenutih činilaca (ekonomske, političke i kulturne) modernizacije vidljive samo do određenog stepena razvoja, iznad kojeg njihov uticaj slabi. Najsnažniji uticaj na prisustvo civilne komponente ima ekonomski činilac (GDP percapita). Iako civilna komponenta identiteta najviše oblikuje nacionalni identitet u istraživanim zemljama, druge dve komponente - askriptivna i kulturna - i dalje su prisutne, što postojeće nacionalne identitete čini hibridnim.
AB  - The article presents the results of an analysis of attitudes of population in seventeenEuropean countries on the importance of components of national identity - cultural, ascriptive and civic - based on the data collected in a survey (INTUNE project). The hypothesis that modernization processes influencethe strengthening of the civic component as well as the weakening of ascriptive and cultural components is being checked. Differences in identity formation between countries with specific historical legacies (democratic tradition, dominant religious denomination, and ethnic composition) and structural characteristics (GDP per capita, level of urbanization, migration rate, and tertiary education attainment rate) is being analyzed, as well as the significance of different individual predictors (such as gender, age and university education). In addition to the confirmation of the basic hypothesis, the results suggest that the modernization effects of examined factors (economic, cultural and political) are visible only up to a certain level of development, whereupon they tend to decrease their influence. The strongest influence on the strength of civic components is recorded with an economic factor - GDP per capita. Although civic components proved to be dominant in shaping the national identities across the examined countries, the other two traits - ascriptive and cultural - do not disappear, testifying to the still existing hybrid nature of national identity.
PB  - Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Uticaj modernizacije na komponente nacionalnog identiteta u savremenim evropskim državama
T1  - Effects of modernization on components of national identity in contemporary European states
EP  - 379
IS  - 3
SP  - 357
VL  - 57
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1503357L
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lazić, Mladen and Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2015",
abstract = "U članku se analiziraju stavovi stanovništva o važnosti osnovnih komponenti nacionalnog identiteta - kulturne, askriptivne i civilne - dobijeni u istraživanju sprovedenom u 17 evropskih zemalja (projekat INTUNE). Nastoji se utvrditi valjanost hipoteze da procesi modernizacije jačaju prisustvo civilne komponente i vode slabljenju askriptivne i kulturne komponente. Stoga se utvrđuju razlike u karakteristikama identiteta koje postoje između zemalja sa specifičnim istorijskim nasleđem (dužina demokratskog poretka, preovlađujuća religijska denominacija i etnički sastav), posebnim strukturalnim karakteristikama (društveni proizvod po stanovniku, nivo urbanizacije, procenat imigrantskog stanovništva, procenat univerzitetski obrazovanih), kao i značaj različitih individualnih karakteristika (pol, starost, obrazovanje). Iako je osnovna hipoteza potvrđena, podaci sugerišu da su posledice pomenutih činilaca (ekonomske, političke i kulturne) modernizacije vidljive samo do određenog stepena razvoja, iznad kojeg njihov uticaj slabi. Najsnažniji uticaj na prisustvo civilne komponente ima ekonomski činilac (GDP percapita). Iako civilna komponenta identiteta najviše oblikuje nacionalni identitet u istraživanim zemljama, druge dve komponente - askriptivna i kulturna - i dalje su prisutne, što postojeće nacionalne identitete čini hibridnim., The article presents the results of an analysis of attitudes of population in seventeenEuropean countries on the importance of components of national identity - cultural, ascriptive and civic - based on the data collected in a survey (INTUNE project). The hypothesis that modernization processes influencethe strengthening of the civic component as well as the weakening of ascriptive and cultural components is being checked. Differences in identity formation between countries with specific historical legacies (democratic tradition, dominant religious denomination, and ethnic composition) and structural characteristics (GDP per capita, level of urbanization, migration rate, and tertiary education attainment rate) is being analyzed, as well as the significance of different individual predictors (such as gender, age and university education). In addition to the confirmation of the basic hypothesis, the results suggest that the modernization effects of examined factors (economic, cultural and political) are visible only up to a certain level of development, whereupon they tend to decrease their influence. The strongest influence on the strength of civic components is recorded with an economic factor - GDP per capita. Although civic components proved to be dominant in shaping the national identities across the examined countries, the other two traits - ascriptive and cultural - do not disappear, testifying to the still existing hybrid nature of national identity.",
publisher = "Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Uticaj modernizacije na komponente nacionalnog identiteta u savremenim evropskim državama, Effects of modernization on components of national identity in contemporary European states",
pages = "379-357",
number = "3",
volume = "57",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1503357L"
}

Lazić, M.,& Pešić, J.. (2015). Uticaj modernizacije na komponente nacionalnog identiteta u savremenim evropskim državama. in Sociologija
Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore, Beograd i Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Institut za sociološka istraživanja, Beograd., 57(3), 357-379.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1503357L

Lazić M, Pešić J. Uticaj modernizacije na komponente nacionalnog identiteta u savremenim evropskim državama. in Sociologija. 2015;57(3):357-379.
doi:10.2298/SOC1503357L .

Lazić, Mladen, Pešić, Jelena, "Uticaj modernizacije na komponente nacionalnog identiteta u savremenim evropskim državama" in Sociologija, 57, no. 3 (2015):357-379,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1503357L . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2018
AB  - Cilj rada je da utvrdi da li je globalna kriza neoliberalnog modela kapitalističke regulacije (čiju pojavu možemo pratiti počevši od 2008. godine do danas), odredila pad podrške ekonomskim reformama i privatizacionim procesima u Srbiji, odnosno, da li se stepen date podrške razlikuje na međuklasnom nivou. Analiza počiva na empirijskim podacima dobijenim u okviru dva istraživačka projekta - Stratifikacijske i vrednosne promene u periodu društvene transformacije (2003) i Izazovi nove društvene integracije u Srbiji: koncepti i akteri (2012) - i uključuje ispitivanje stepena pristajanja ispitanika uz empirijske iskaze koji mere orijentaciju ka ekonomskom liberalizmu (opštem i specifičnom), odnosno iskazima kojima se meri podrška privatizaciji pojedinih segmenata javnog sektora.
AB  - This paper aims to determine whether the global crisis of neoliberal economy (which became transparent in 2008 and lasts till this day) has led to a decline in support for economic reforms and privatization processes in Serbia, and particularly whether this support differs among social classes. The analysis relies on the data obtained within two research projects - Stratification and Value Changes in the Period of Social Transformation (2003) and The New Challenges of Social Integration in Serbia: Concepts and Actors (2012) as well as on national representative samples. It involves examination of the degree of respondents' support for empirical statements measuring orientation towards economic liberalism (general and specific) and privatization of different segments of public sector.
PB  - Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd
T2  - Kultura
T1  - Procesi privatizacije u percepciji građanki i građana post-tranzicione Srbije
T1  - Privatization processes as perceived by Serbian citizens
EP  - 122
IS  - 148
SP  - 102
DO  - 10.5937/kultura1548102P
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pešić, Jelena",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Cilj rada je da utvrdi da li je globalna kriza neoliberalnog modela kapitalističke regulacije (čiju pojavu možemo pratiti počevši od 2008. godine do danas), odredila pad podrške ekonomskim reformama i privatizacionim procesima u Srbiji, odnosno, da li se stepen date podrške razlikuje na međuklasnom nivou. Analiza počiva na empirijskim podacima dobijenim u okviru dva istraživačka projekta - Stratifikacijske i vrednosne promene u periodu društvene transformacije (2003) i Izazovi nove društvene integracije u Srbiji: koncepti i akteri (2012) - i uključuje ispitivanje stepena pristajanja ispitanika uz empirijske iskaze koji mere orijentaciju ka ekonomskom liberalizmu (opštem i specifičnom), odnosno iskazima kojima se meri podrška privatizaciji pojedinih segmenata javnog sektora., This paper aims to determine whether the global crisis of neoliberal economy (which became transparent in 2008 and lasts till this day) has led to a decline in support for economic reforms and privatization processes in Serbia, and particularly whether this support differs among social classes. The analysis relies on the data obtained within two research projects - Stratification and Value Changes in the Period of Social Transformation (2003) and The New Challenges of Social Integration in Serbia: Concepts and Actors (2012) as well as on national representative samples. It involves examination of the degree of respondents' support for empirical statements measuring orientation towards economic liberalism (general and specific) and privatization of different segments of public sector.",
publisher = "Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd",
journal = "Kultura",
title = "Procesi privatizacije u percepciji građanki i građana post-tranzicione Srbije, Privatization processes as perceived by Serbian citizens",
pages = "122-102",
number = "148",
doi = "10.5937/kultura1548102P"
}

Pešić, J.. (2015). Procesi privatizacije u percepciji građanki i građana post-tranzicione Srbije. in Kultura
Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka, Beograd.(148), 102-122.
https://doi.org/10.5937/kultura1548102P

Pešić J. Procesi privatizacije u percepciji građanki i građana post-tranzicione Srbije. in Kultura. 2015;(148):102-122.
doi:10.5937/kultura1548102P .

Pešić, Jelena, "Procesi privatizacije u percepciji građanki i građana post-tranzicione Srbije" in Kultura, no. 148 (2015):102-122,
https://doi.org/10.5937/kultura1548102P . .