Settlements and Population of the Serbian Lands in the Late Middle Ages (14th-15th Century)

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Settlements and Population of the Serbian Lands in the Late Middle Ages (14th-15th Century) (en)
Насеља и становништво српских земаља у позном средњем веку (14 - 15. век) (sr)
Naselja i stanovništvo srpskih zemalja u poznom srednjem veku (14 - 15. vek) (sr_RS)
Authors

Publications

Харистикије у средњовековној Србији

Koprivica, Marija

(Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Koprivica, Marija
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/5559
AB  - У раду је обрађена тема коришћења манастирске имовине путем ус-
тупања добара одређеним личностима. Харистикије су у Византији 11. и
12. века биле веома заступљена појава и утицале су на развој манастира.
Ова појава није у већем обиму заступљена у средњовековној Србији, ипак
постоје примери који показују да се манастирском имовином управљало и
на овај начин. У тексту је наведено неколико примера харистикија, указано
је на заједничне одлике и специфичности ове појава. Истакнут је значај по-
знавања ове појаве за разумевање имовинских односа, ктиторских права,
такође и у доказивању аутентичности појединих исправа.
AB  - The term charistikе, or charistikion, refers a system of giving monasteries, or
monastic properties, to private persons for use. Essentially, charistike represented
the transfer of the founder’s rights. In medieval Serbia, this phenomenon was not
common and it did not have the negative context which it had in Byzantium during the 11th and 12th century. One of the most prominent examples of charistike in
medieval Serbia was giving the monastery of Saint Nicholas to monk Jovan, who was
the econom of metochion Hocha and a notable member of the Chilandari fraternity.
In 1342 King Dušan passed a special charter according to which this monk was rewarded
for his faithful service by being granted the right to use and manage the old
monastery of Saint Nicholas and all its properties. Giving this right was temporary,
for as long as monk Jovan lived, and after that the estate was given its previous status.
A relatively similar example was the act by which king Dušan gave the church
of Saint Peter in Koriša to monk Grigorije for use. Monk Grigorije had already managed
the metochion of Chilandari in Koriša as an econom, so that he was given additional
privileges over this property by the decision of king Dusan. Monk Grigorije’s
merit is the fact that this monk gave the church which he had founded to the monastery
of Saint Archangels near Prizren, which was a new imperial endowment. These
Chilandar’s monks were primarily given honor and they were holders of additional
privileges rather than users of the material assets of the mentioned properties.
Several examples were noted that Serbian metropolitan bishops were provided
with means of livelihood by being given monastic estates for use. Metropolitan bishop
Jakov of Serres was given the church of Saint Nicholas in Pcinja. The founder’s rights
over this church belonged to empress Jelena, but thanks to the will of the empress and
mercy of emperor Dusan, the church with all its estates was given for lifetime use to
Jakov. Towards the very end of the activity of the Serbian medieval state, another case
was recorded when Benedikt, a metropolitan bishop from Gračanica, got his charistikion.
Despot Djuradj gave the church of Saint George in Vracevstica with its estates
for lifelong use to this notable monk when he lost his Metropolitan ate, since it fell
under Turkish rule.
Based on these few examples, it is possible to draw a conclusion that charistike
were always given for temporary use, with the obligation to give them back to a monastery.
Giving monastic properties stems from the founder’s rights, but Serbian sources
show that legal documents related to this legal act were issued by a ruler. All known examples
show that the users were ecclesiastical dignitaries or prominent monks and that
their merits regarding religious service were notable. By using this type of charistike,
there was no harm for the monastery from which the property was taken, apart from
the fact that it was deprived of the income from that property temporarily. Although it
was not a very common phenomenon, charistike was important in medieval Serbia, not
only for providing an insight into the ways in which monasteries operated, but also for
understanding and interpreting certain legal actions in the Middle Ages.
PB  - Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu
T2  - Београдски историјски гласник
T1  - Харистикије у средњовековној Србији
T1  - Charistike in Medieval Serbia
EP  - 37
SP  - 23
VL  - 11
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5559
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Koprivica, Marija",
year = "2020",
abstract = "У раду је обрађена тема коришћења манастирске имовине путем ус-
тупања добара одређеним личностима. Харистикије су у Византији 11. и
12. века биле веома заступљена појава и утицале су на развој манастира.
Ова појава није у већем обиму заступљена у средњовековној Србији, ипак
постоје примери који показују да се манастирском имовином управљало и
на овај начин. У тексту је наведено неколико примера харистикија, указано
је на заједничне одлике и специфичности ове појава. Истакнут је значај по-
знавања ове појаве за разумевање имовинских односа, ктиторских права,
такође и у доказивању аутентичности појединих исправа., The term charistikе, or charistikion, refers a system of giving monasteries, or
monastic properties, to private persons for use. Essentially, charistike represented
the transfer of the founder’s rights. In medieval Serbia, this phenomenon was not
common and it did not have the negative context which it had in Byzantium during the 11th and 12th century. One of the most prominent examples of charistike in
medieval Serbia was giving the monastery of Saint Nicholas to monk Jovan, who was
the econom of metochion Hocha and a notable member of the Chilandari fraternity.
In 1342 King Dušan passed a special charter according to which this monk was rewarded
for his faithful service by being granted the right to use and manage the old
monastery of Saint Nicholas and all its properties. Giving this right was temporary,
for as long as monk Jovan lived, and after that the estate was given its previous status.
A relatively similar example was the act by which king Dušan gave the church
of Saint Peter in Koriša to monk Grigorije for use. Monk Grigorije had already managed
the metochion of Chilandari in Koriša as an econom, so that he was given additional
privileges over this property by the decision of king Dusan. Monk Grigorije’s
merit is the fact that this monk gave the church which he had founded to the monastery
of Saint Archangels near Prizren, which was a new imperial endowment. These
Chilandar’s monks were primarily given honor and they were holders of additional
privileges rather than users of the material assets of the mentioned properties.
Several examples were noted that Serbian metropolitan bishops were provided
with means of livelihood by being given monastic estates for use. Metropolitan bishop
Jakov of Serres was given the church of Saint Nicholas in Pcinja. The founder’s rights
over this church belonged to empress Jelena, but thanks to the will of the empress and
mercy of emperor Dusan, the church with all its estates was given for lifetime use to
Jakov. Towards the very end of the activity of the Serbian medieval state, another case
was recorded when Benedikt, a metropolitan bishop from Gračanica, got his charistikion.
Despot Djuradj gave the church of Saint George in Vracevstica with its estates
for lifelong use to this notable monk when he lost his Metropolitan ate, since it fell
under Turkish rule.
Based on these few examples, it is possible to draw a conclusion that charistike
were always given for temporary use, with the obligation to give them back to a monastery.
Giving monastic properties stems from the founder’s rights, but Serbian sources
show that legal documents related to this legal act were issued by a ruler. All known examples
show that the users were ecclesiastical dignitaries or prominent monks and that
their merits regarding religious service were notable. By using this type of charistike,
there was no harm for the monastery from which the property was taken, apart from
the fact that it was deprived of the income from that property temporarily. Although it
was not a very common phenomenon, charistike was important in medieval Serbia, not
only for providing an insight into the ways in which monasteries operated, but also for
understanding and interpreting certain legal actions in the Middle Ages.",
publisher = "Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu",
journal = "Београдски историјски гласник",
title = "Харистикије у средњовековној Србији, Charistike in Medieval Serbia",
pages = "37-23",
volume = "11",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5559"
}
Koprivica, M.. (2020). Харистикије у средњовековној Србији. in Београдски историјски гласник
Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu., 11, 23-37.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5559
Koprivica M. Харистикије у средњовековној Србији. in Београдски историјски гласник. 2020;11:23-37.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5559 .
Koprivica, Marija, "Харистикије у средњовековној Србији" in Београдски историјски гласник, 11 (2020):23-37,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5559 .

Последице укидања влашког статуса у Београдској нахији на демографску слику тог подручја

Koprivica, Marija

(Филозофски факултет Нови Сад, 2020)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Koprivica, Marija
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/5563
AB  - У овом истраживању акценат је стављен на последице промене социјалног и
пореског статуса становништва по демографску слику простора. Обрађене су
демографске промене настале у трећој и четвртој деценији XVI века на подручју
Београдске управне области. Указано је на специфичности у насељености и
структури насеља, као и на популационе мера које су спроведене после успостављања
османске власти. Посебно је размотрено укидања статуса влаха као узрок промена у
насељености. Сагледани су подаци које пружају османски пописни дефтери из
периода непосредно пре и после укидања повлашћеног положаја за становништво
овог подручја. Посебна пажња посвећена је упоређивању података из пописа влаха
из 1528. године и два пописа из четврте деценије XVI века. Изнети су закључци о
насељености и демографским кретањима, такође, указано је на процесе
прилагођавања раније влашког становништва статусу раје.
AB  - This study deals with the consequences of changing the social and tax status of the population
for the demographic picture of the area. The abolition of the status of vlachs, as a cause of certain
population change, has been especially considered. In order to get an overview as precise as possible, a
smaller area has been observed, and it belonged to only one nahiya – the Belgrade one. The suitability
of the area of the Belgrade nahiya for this type of research is reflected in the fact that there are a few
preserved census defters from the period 1521-1536, i.e. several years before and after the abolition of
the status of vlachs. Firstly, the question of the general population of the observed area in the first
decades of the 16th century has been considered. It has been noticed that there were significant changes
in the structure of population shortly after the conquest of Belgrade in 1521. This phenomenon was of
such great proportions that it could be perceived as a certain change of population. One of the important
population measures of the Ottoman authorities was giving the status of vlachs to the local people.
However, as a result of spreading the Empire to the north, there was no more need for this type of
organization, and thus, the status of vlachs for the people of the sanjaks of Smederevo, Krusevac and
Zvornik, was abolished around 1531/1532. This change of the social status of a large group of population
had to lead to certain demographic consequences. In the historiography, the prevalent belief is that
population moved away looking for better living conditions after the abolition of the status of vlachs.
The census records of the Belgrade nahiya from 1528, 1532, 1536 and 1560 have been
compared and it has provided a more detailed picture of the population and its structure. Due to
differences in the way of registering vlachs and ordinary people, it is not possible to compare data quite
accurately. It is necessary to take into consideration the tabis from the census of vlachs in 1528 in order to compare them with the census of ordinary people from the next decade. It was noticed that a lot of
men were registered as added members of a household (taby) in 1528, while they were mentioned as
owners of a household around two years after that. The census taken in 1532 only brought new taxes
to the previously vlach population, so that in this short period of time, there was no place for a change
in population. The comparison of census records from 1532 and 1536 leads to a very important
conclusion that the moving of population did not happen in this period. Certain demographic growth
was recorded during these four years, and the number of houses increased in even 54% of populated
places. The impression is that the population accepted the status of ordinary people and stayed in their
homes. The data from census from 1560 indicates that in the next few decades the demographic picture
is stable, although the total number of inhabitants has decreased.
The basic conclusion that there was no decline in the number of inhabitants in the first years
after the abolition of the status of vlachs was compared with well-known studies of the demographic
conditions in the neighbouring areas. It turned out that the data which suggested the decline in the
number of inhabitants referred to a larger area of the Balkan Peninsula. There are not many areas where
there are preserved census records shortly before and after the abolition of the status of vlachs, so that
it is not possible to say that the previously mentioned depopulation and this event were connected.
Accepting the position of ordinary people was only one of the elements which had an influence on the
demographic changes, but it is also necessary to take into account the plague epidemic, economic
conditions, political and military stability of a particular area, as well as other conditions.
PB  - Филозофски факултет Нови Сад
T2  - Seobe od antike do danas, tematski zbornik 1
T1  - Последице укидања влашког статуса  у Београдској нахији на демографску слику тог подручја
T1  - The consequences of the abolition of the status of Vlachs in the Belgrade Nahia for the demographic picture of that area
EP  - 57
SP  - 45
VL  - 1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5563
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Koprivica, Marija",
year = "2020",
abstract = "У овом истраживању акценат је стављен на последице промене социјалног и
пореског статуса становништва по демографску слику простора. Обрађене су
демографске промене настале у трећој и четвртој деценији XVI века на подручју
Београдске управне области. Указано је на специфичности у насељености и
структури насеља, као и на популационе мера које су спроведене после успостављања
османске власти. Посебно је размотрено укидања статуса влаха као узрок промена у
насељености. Сагледани су подаци које пружају османски пописни дефтери из
периода непосредно пре и после укидања повлашћеног положаја за становништво
овог подручја. Посебна пажња посвећена је упоређивању података из пописа влаха
из 1528. године и два пописа из четврте деценије XVI века. Изнети су закључци о
насељености и демографским кретањима, такође, указано је на процесе
прилагођавања раније влашког становништва статусу раје., This study deals with the consequences of changing the social and tax status of the population
for the demographic picture of the area. The abolition of the status of vlachs, as a cause of certain
population change, has been especially considered. In order to get an overview as precise as possible, a
smaller area has been observed, and it belonged to only one nahiya – the Belgrade one. The suitability
of the area of the Belgrade nahiya for this type of research is reflected in the fact that there are a few
preserved census defters from the period 1521-1536, i.e. several years before and after the abolition of
the status of vlachs. Firstly, the question of the general population of the observed area in the first
decades of the 16th century has been considered. It has been noticed that there were significant changes
in the structure of population shortly after the conquest of Belgrade in 1521. This phenomenon was of
such great proportions that it could be perceived as a certain change of population. One of the important
population measures of the Ottoman authorities was giving the status of vlachs to the local people.
However, as a result of spreading the Empire to the north, there was no more need for this type of
organization, and thus, the status of vlachs for the people of the sanjaks of Smederevo, Krusevac and
Zvornik, was abolished around 1531/1532. This change of the social status of a large group of population
had to lead to certain demographic consequences. In the historiography, the prevalent belief is that
population moved away looking for better living conditions after the abolition of the status of vlachs.
The census records of the Belgrade nahiya from 1528, 1532, 1536 and 1560 have been
compared and it has provided a more detailed picture of the population and its structure. Due to
differences in the way of registering vlachs and ordinary people, it is not possible to compare data quite
accurately. It is necessary to take into consideration the tabis from the census of vlachs in 1528 in order to compare them with the census of ordinary people from the next decade. It was noticed that a lot of
men were registered as added members of a household (taby) in 1528, while they were mentioned as
owners of a household around two years after that. The census taken in 1532 only brought new taxes
to the previously vlach population, so that in this short period of time, there was no place for a change
in population. The comparison of census records from 1532 and 1536 leads to a very important
conclusion that the moving of population did not happen in this period. Certain demographic growth
was recorded during these four years, and the number of houses increased in even 54% of populated
places. The impression is that the population accepted the status of ordinary people and stayed in their
homes. The data from census from 1560 indicates that in the next few decades the demographic picture
is stable, although the total number of inhabitants has decreased.
The basic conclusion that there was no decline in the number of inhabitants in the first years
after the abolition of the status of vlachs was compared with well-known studies of the demographic
conditions in the neighbouring areas. It turned out that the data which suggested the decline in the
number of inhabitants referred to a larger area of the Balkan Peninsula. There are not many areas where
there are preserved census records shortly before and after the abolition of the status of vlachs, so that
it is not possible to say that the previously mentioned depopulation and this event were connected.
Accepting the position of ordinary people was only one of the elements which had an influence on the
demographic changes, but it is also necessary to take into account the plague epidemic, economic
conditions, political and military stability of a particular area, as well as other conditions.",
publisher = "Филозофски факултет Нови Сад",
journal = "Seobe od antike do danas, tematski zbornik 1",
booktitle = "Последице укидања влашког статуса  у Београдској нахији на демографску слику тог подручја, The consequences of the abolition of the status of Vlachs in the Belgrade Nahia for the demographic picture of that area",
pages = "57-45",
volume = "1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5563"
}
Koprivica, M.. (2020). Последице укидања влашког статуса  у Београдској нахији на демографску слику тог подручја. in Seobe od antike do danas, tematski zbornik 1
Филозофски факултет Нови Сад., 1, 45-57.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5563
Koprivica M. Последице укидања влашког статуса  у Београдској нахији на демографску слику тог подручја. in Seobe od antike do danas, tematski zbornik 1. 2020;1:45-57.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5563 .
Koprivica, Marija, "Последице укидања влашког статуса  у Београдској нахији на демографску слику тог подручја" in Seobe od antike do danas, tematski zbornik 1, 1 (2020):45-57,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5563 .

Повеља браће Гргура, Ђурђа и Лазара Вуковића и мати им Маре Манастиру Хиландару за село Ораховац (Хил. 79 и Хил. 80): [1403–13/14. март 1408]

Штетић, Марина

(Универзитет у Београду - Филозофски факултет, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Штетић, Марина
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/5273
AB  - Предмет рада је повеља браће Гргура, Ђурђа и Лазара Вуковића и њихове мајке Маре, издата у периоду између 1403. и 13/14. марта 1408. године, којом Манастиру Хиландару поклањају село Ораховац са међама утврђеним у време цара Стефана Душана. Повеља је сачувана у две верзије веродостојног садржаја, настале на пергаменту старосрпским језиком, које се чувају у Хиландару – краћа (Хил. 79) и дужа (Хил. 80). Потпунија верзија садржи опис међа Ораховца, као и потпис, док се на исправи Хил. 79 налази погрешан датум, дописан у XIX веку. Хил 79 је највероватније хиландарски препис оригинала, настао у XV столећу, или пак концепт сачињен у канцеларији Бранковића. Судећи према изгледу повеље и писму, Хил. 80 представља препис данас изгубљеног оригинала, који је настао у Хиландару у периоду XV–XVI века.
AB  - The subject of the paper is the charter of the brothers Grgur, Đurađ and Lazar Vuković (Branković) and their mother Mara, issued in the period between 1403. and 13th/14th of March 1408, by which the village of Orahovac in present-day Metohija, which borders were established during the reign of Emperor Stefan Dušan, was bestowed to the Hilandar Monastery. The original charter was lost, but two versions with authentic content were preserved ‒ shorter (Hil. 79, signature A 6/12) and longer (Hil. 80, signature A 6/13), both written on parchments in the Old Serbian language and kept in the Hilandar monastery. The more complete version, unlike the shorter one, contains a description of the boundaries of Orahovac, as well as a signature. On the shorter, Hil. 79 the wrong date is found, added in the19th century. Hil. 79 most likely represents a Hilandarian transcript of the original, made during the 15th century, or perhaps a concept created in Vuković's office. Judging by the appearance of the charter and the characteristics of the letter, the charter Hil. 80 is a Hilandarian transcript of the original document, which may have been written in the period of the 15th or 16th centuries.
PB  - Универзитет у Београду - Филозофски факултет
T2  - Стари српски архив
T1  - Повеља браће Гргура, Ђурђа и Лазара Вуковића и мати им Маре Манастиру Хиландару за село Ораховац (Хил. 79 и Хил. 80): [1403–13/14. март 1408]
T1  - The charter of the brothers Grgur, Đurađ, and Lazar Vuković and their mother Mara to the Hilandar monastery for the Orahovac village (Hil. 79 and Hil. 80) [1403 – 13/14. март 1408]
EP  - 56
SP  - 27
VL  - 19
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5273
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Штетић, Марина",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Предмет рада је повеља браће Гргура, Ђурђа и Лазара Вуковића и њихове мајке Маре, издата у периоду између 1403. и 13/14. марта 1408. године, којом Манастиру Хиландару поклањају село Ораховац са међама утврђеним у време цара Стефана Душана. Повеља је сачувана у две верзије веродостојног садржаја, настале на пергаменту старосрпским језиком, које се чувају у Хиландару – краћа (Хил. 79) и дужа (Хил. 80). Потпунија верзија садржи опис међа Ораховца, као и потпис, док се на исправи Хил. 79 налази погрешан датум, дописан у XIX веку. Хил 79 је највероватније хиландарски препис оригинала, настао у XV столећу, или пак концепт сачињен у канцеларији Бранковића. Судећи према изгледу повеље и писму, Хил. 80 представља препис данас изгубљеног оригинала, који је настао у Хиландару у периоду XV–XVI века., The subject of the paper is the charter of the brothers Grgur, Đurađ and Lazar Vuković (Branković) and their mother Mara, issued in the period between 1403. and 13th/14th of March 1408, by which the village of Orahovac in present-day Metohija, which borders were established during the reign of Emperor Stefan Dušan, was bestowed to the Hilandar Monastery. The original charter was lost, but two versions with authentic content were preserved ‒ shorter (Hil. 79, signature A 6/12) and longer (Hil. 80, signature A 6/13), both written on parchments in the Old Serbian language and kept in the Hilandar monastery. The more complete version, unlike the shorter one, contains a description of the boundaries of Orahovac, as well as a signature. On the shorter, Hil. 79 the wrong date is found, added in the19th century. Hil. 79 most likely represents a Hilandarian transcript of the original, made during the 15th century, or perhaps a concept created in Vuković's office. Judging by the appearance of the charter and the characteristics of the letter, the charter Hil. 80 is a Hilandarian transcript of the original document, which may have been written in the period of the 15th or 16th centuries.",
publisher = "Универзитет у Београду - Филозофски факултет",
journal = "Стари српски архив",
title = "Повеља браће Гргура, Ђурђа и Лазара Вуковића и мати им Маре Манастиру Хиландару за село Ораховац (Хил. 79 и Хил. 80): [1403–13/14. март 1408], The charter of the brothers Grgur, Đurađ, and Lazar Vuković and their mother Mara to the Hilandar monastery for the Orahovac village (Hil. 79 and Hil. 80) [1403 – 13/14. март 1408]",
pages = "56-27",
volume = "19",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5273"
}
Штетић, М.. (2020). Повеља браће Гргура, Ђурђа и Лазара Вуковића и мати им Маре Манастиру Хиландару за село Ораховац (Хил. 79 и Хил. 80): [1403–13/14. март 1408]. in Стари српски архив
Универзитет у Београду - Филозофски факултет., 19, 27-56.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5273
Штетић М. Повеља браће Гргура, Ђурђа и Лазара Вуковића и мати им Маре Манастиру Хиландару за село Ораховац (Хил. 79 и Хил. 80): [1403–13/14. март 1408]. in Стари српски архив. 2020;19:27-56.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5273 .
Штетић, Марина, "Повеља браће Гргура, Ђурђа и Лазара Вуковића и мати им Маре Манастиру Хиландару за село Ораховац (Хил. 79 и Хил. 80): [1403–13/14. март 1408]" in Стари српски архив, 19 (2020):27-56,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5273 .

Pictures and Words: Allegorical and Persuasive Cartography

Mrgić, Jelena

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mrgić, Jelena
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/3212
AB  - This paper aims to present a novel approach to map analysis, treating all 'map-like' drawings as icon-texts, according to premises postulated in modem cartographical theory by Brian Harley and his successors in this field. It is not just 'deconstructing' which takes place, but further interpretations are stimulated by probing questions not only of authorship (often unknown), but also of the social, cultural, and religious environment. Making an allegorical map and text was a difficult task, an intellectual endeavor, which demanded that the author carefully choose the symbols that would outlive the material. In this paper, the Fools Cap Map of the World is presented as an example of icono-textual analysis, by bringing together the most popular literary works and their illustrations - Erasmus Desiderius, Sebastian Brandt, and Hieronymus Bosch. The double masks of the author - the pseudonym "Epichtonius Cosmopolites", with its denunciation of nationality, and the jester's costume, were chosen as the means of conveying unpleasant truths about the state of the world, France, and/ or the Netherlands. Human hybris, Suberbia and Vanitas were the primal sins, by which they were all blinded, waging wars for pieces of land and worldly goods. Therefore, the fool's malade is melancholy, strictly reserved for male intellectuals - Ficino, Diirer, Shakespeare, Bright and Burton. On the other hand, it would seem as if the female primal sin were vanity, which brings the puritan Bunyan and Anglican Thackeray into this polyphonic interpretation. Their works did, however, show that"vanitas' is present among both genders and is an everlasting human trait, now heavily exploited as a 'cash crop' par excellence. Since all knowlegde is situated, I feel the need to say that I am finishing this paper in self-quarantine due to the 'new plague' pandemic, wondering if the people in this mad and greedy world would contemplate how all is nothing, and whether the survivors would be better, i.e. more human, acting with more empathy, regardless of the perpetually announced Apocalypse. This remains to be witnessed.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd
T2  - Etnoantropološki problemi
T1  - Pictures and Words: Allegorical and Persuasive Cartography
EP  - 399
IS  - 2
SP  - 373
VL  - 15
DO  - 10.21301/eap.v15i2.1
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Mrgić, Jelena",
year = "2020",
abstract = "This paper aims to present a novel approach to map analysis, treating all 'map-like' drawings as icon-texts, according to premises postulated in modem cartographical theory by Brian Harley and his successors in this field. It is not just 'deconstructing' which takes place, but further interpretations are stimulated by probing questions not only of authorship (often unknown), but also of the social, cultural, and religious environment. Making an allegorical map and text was a difficult task, an intellectual endeavor, which demanded that the author carefully choose the symbols that would outlive the material. In this paper, the Fools Cap Map of the World is presented as an example of icono-textual analysis, by bringing together the most popular literary works and their illustrations - Erasmus Desiderius, Sebastian Brandt, and Hieronymus Bosch. The double masks of the author - the pseudonym "Epichtonius Cosmopolites", with its denunciation of nationality, and the jester's costume, were chosen as the means of conveying unpleasant truths about the state of the world, France, and/ or the Netherlands. Human hybris, Suberbia and Vanitas were the primal sins, by which they were all blinded, waging wars for pieces of land and worldly goods. Therefore, the fool's malade is melancholy, strictly reserved for male intellectuals - Ficino, Diirer, Shakespeare, Bright and Burton. On the other hand, it would seem as if the female primal sin were vanity, which brings the puritan Bunyan and Anglican Thackeray into this polyphonic interpretation. Their works did, however, show that"vanitas' is present among both genders and is an everlasting human trait, now heavily exploited as a 'cash crop' par excellence. Since all knowlegde is situated, I feel the need to say that I am finishing this paper in self-quarantine due to the 'new plague' pandemic, wondering if the people in this mad and greedy world would contemplate how all is nothing, and whether the survivors would be better, i.e. more human, acting with more empathy, regardless of the perpetually announced Apocalypse. This remains to be witnessed.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd",
journal = "Etnoantropološki problemi",
title = "Pictures and Words: Allegorical and Persuasive Cartography",
pages = "399-373",
number = "2",
volume = "15",
doi = "10.21301/eap.v15i2.1"
}
Mrgić, J.. (2020). Pictures and Words: Allegorical and Persuasive Cartography. in Etnoantropološki problemi
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd., 15(2), 373-399.
https://doi.org/10.21301/eap.v15i2.1
Mrgić J. Pictures and Words: Allegorical and Persuasive Cartography. in Etnoantropološki problemi. 2020;15(2):373-399.
doi:10.21301/eap.v15i2.1 .
Mrgić, Jelena, "Pictures and Words: Allegorical and Persuasive Cartography" in Etnoantropološki problemi, 15, no. 2 (2020):373-399,
https://doi.org/10.21301/eap.v15i2.1 . .

Barska (arhi)episkopija u državi Bodinovih naslednika

Mitrović, Katarina S

(Centar za crkvene studije, Niš, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Mitrović, Katarina S
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2792
AB  - Rad se bavi položajem Barske (arhi)episkopije u prvoj polovini i sredinom XII veka za vladavine naslednika kralja Bodina. Budući da je sačuvan zanemarljivo mali broj izvora koji na direktan način govore o crkvenim prilikama u Duklji, problematika je nužno postavljena u daleko šire okvire. Stoga se pristupilo analizi političkih prilika i crkvenih odnosa na području od Dubrovnika do Zadra. U obzir su uzeti svi relevantni činioci: Apostolska stolica, Ugarska, Venecija, Vizantija, Dubrovnik, Split i Zadar. Političke okolnosti i dinamika međusobnih odnosa navedenih subjekata nisu išli naruku barskoj crkvi u njenim nastojanjima da se izbori za kanonsko priznanje arhiepiskopskog statusa. Tokom perioda koji je trajao oko sedam decenija, barski prelati, lišeni podrške vladara koji su se često smenjivali i stradali u međusobicama, bili su okrenuti prilikama u vlastitoj crkvi, posebno u samom Baru.
AB  - Right after the death of King Bodin (1099 or 1101) two opposing forces started a conflict in Duklja. Bodin's widow, Queen Jaquinta, wanted to ensure the throne for her sons, while the descendants of Prince Branislav, son of Bodin's paternal uncle Radoslav, also believed to have a claim on the throne. These conflicts continued over several decades, during which period different kings took turn on the throne. The land was left in chaos. In mid-12th century, Duklja fell under the supreme rule of Byzantium, and its rulers were no longer kings but bore the title of princes (Knez). In such circumstances, the Bar Archdiocese could not rely on the secular government to support them in their struggle to gain the canonical approval for the metropolitan status of their diocese. On the other hand, in the 12th century, popes were faced with the resistance of German kings and emperors and other secular rulers and noblemen, who often selected antipopes as a proven method of pressure on the Holy Apostle See. German cardinals and bishops often supported these antipopes who were not the only papal opponents among the church ranks. The papal authority was also threatened by communal movements in the northern Italy, which were much inspired by the ideas of heretic teachings about evangelical poverty and equality among men. Chronic dissatisfaction and finally open rebellion of the Roman crowds created a lot of trouble. This was intensified by epidemics of contagious diseases and famine that periodically afflicted Rome. In spite of such great temptations, popes firmly insisted on the systematization of the canonical rights in order to strengthen auctoritas apostolica and tried to impose themselves as the supreme factor in solving not only church issues but also secular issues and problems. It was clear to the Bar prelates that they could not request from the Holy Apostle See the acknowledgement of their archdiocese invoking the privileges by Antipope Clement III Wibert from 1089, as the only grounds for such entitlement. They could only patiently wait for the arrival of better times. The Dubrovnik clerics took advantage a favourable moment to act. The old ambitions of the Dubrovnik church were fulfilled in the 1160s and 1170s, at the time of archbishop Tribun and with support of the enthusiastic Pope Alexander III. Thus, bishops from the Duklja became suffragans of the Dubrovnik archbishops. Any resistance to this solution imposed a risk of excommunication, interdiction or deposition.
PB  - Centar za crkvene studije, Niš
T2  - Crkvene studije
T1  - Barska (arhi)episkopija u državi Bodinovih naslednika
T1  - Archdiocese of Bar in the state of Bodin's successors
EP  - 499
IS  - 16-2
SP  - 477
VL  - 16
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2792
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Mitrović, Katarina S",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Rad se bavi položajem Barske (arhi)episkopije u prvoj polovini i sredinom XII veka za vladavine naslednika kralja Bodina. Budući da je sačuvan zanemarljivo mali broj izvora koji na direktan način govore o crkvenim prilikama u Duklji, problematika je nužno postavljena u daleko šire okvire. Stoga se pristupilo analizi političkih prilika i crkvenih odnosa na području od Dubrovnika do Zadra. U obzir su uzeti svi relevantni činioci: Apostolska stolica, Ugarska, Venecija, Vizantija, Dubrovnik, Split i Zadar. Političke okolnosti i dinamika međusobnih odnosa navedenih subjekata nisu išli naruku barskoj crkvi u njenim nastojanjima da se izbori za kanonsko priznanje arhiepiskopskog statusa. Tokom perioda koji je trajao oko sedam decenija, barski prelati, lišeni podrške vladara koji su se često smenjivali i stradali u međusobicama, bili su okrenuti prilikama u vlastitoj crkvi, posebno u samom Baru., Right after the death of King Bodin (1099 or 1101) two opposing forces started a conflict in Duklja. Bodin's widow, Queen Jaquinta, wanted to ensure the throne for her sons, while the descendants of Prince Branislav, son of Bodin's paternal uncle Radoslav, also believed to have a claim on the throne. These conflicts continued over several decades, during which period different kings took turn on the throne. The land was left in chaos. In mid-12th century, Duklja fell under the supreme rule of Byzantium, and its rulers were no longer kings but bore the title of princes (Knez). In such circumstances, the Bar Archdiocese could not rely on the secular government to support them in their struggle to gain the canonical approval for the metropolitan status of their diocese. On the other hand, in the 12th century, popes were faced with the resistance of German kings and emperors and other secular rulers and noblemen, who often selected antipopes as a proven method of pressure on the Holy Apostle See. German cardinals and bishops often supported these antipopes who were not the only papal opponents among the church ranks. The papal authority was also threatened by communal movements in the northern Italy, which were much inspired by the ideas of heretic teachings about evangelical poverty and equality among men. Chronic dissatisfaction and finally open rebellion of the Roman crowds created a lot of trouble. This was intensified by epidemics of contagious diseases and famine that periodically afflicted Rome. In spite of such great temptations, popes firmly insisted on the systematization of the canonical rights in order to strengthen auctoritas apostolica and tried to impose themselves as the supreme factor in solving not only church issues but also secular issues and problems. It was clear to the Bar prelates that they could not request from the Holy Apostle See the acknowledgement of their archdiocese invoking the privileges by Antipope Clement III Wibert from 1089, as the only grounds for such entitlement. They could only patiently wait for the arrival of better times. The Dubrovnik clerics took advantage a favourable moment to act. The old ambitions of the Dubrovnik church were fulfilled in the 1160s and 1170s, at the time of archbishop Tribun and with support of the enthusiastic Pope Alexander III. Thus, bishops from the Duklja became suffragans of the Dubrovnik archbishops. Any resistance to this solution imposed a risk of excommunication, interdiction or deposition.",
publisher = "Centar za crkvene studije, Niš",
journal = "Crkvene studije",
booktitle = "Barska (arhi)episkopija u državi Bodinovih naslednika, Archdiocese of Bar in the state of Bodin's successors",
pages = "499-477",
number = "16-2",
volume = "16",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2792"
}
Mitrović, K. S.. (2019). Barska (arhi)episkopija u državi Bodinovih naslednika. in Crkvene studije
Centar za crkvene studije, Niš., 16(16-2), 477-499.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2792
Mitrović KS. Barska (arhi)episkopija u državi Bodinovih naslednika. in Crkvene studije. 2019;16(16-2):477-499.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2792 .
Mitrović, Katarina S, "Barska (arhi)episkopija u državi Bodinovih naslednika" in Crkvene studije, 16, no. 16-2 (2019):477-499,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2792 .

Zadužbine srpskih arhiepiskopa srednjeg veka

Koprivica, Marija

(Centar za crkvene studije, Niš, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Koprivica, Marija
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2786
AB  - Zadužbine poglavara Srpske crkve u srednjem veku uočene su kao posebna grupa manastira. Za razliku od vladarskih i vlasteoskih zadužbina, u njima je skoncentrisana vlast crkvenih lica i kao ktitora i kao duhovnih starešina. Pećki komleks hramova predstavljen je kao jedan od najreprezentativnijih ove grupe. Pored toga ukazao je i na ostale arhijerejske zadužbine. Pažnja je posvećena i ktitorskim pravima njihovih osnivača. Sagledan je položaj takvih hramova unutar Srpske crkve, kako u pogledu eparhijske organizacije, tako i u odnosu na ostale manastire. Određena je i politička i društvena uloga zadužbina srpskih arhiepiskopa u srednjem veku.
AB  - According to the former knowledge and interpretation of the position of monasteries in Medieval Serbia, patriarchal monasteries are not recognized as a special category, that is, in the conditions of Serbian Middle Ages they could be referred to as archbishop's monasteries. A special category of monasteries, the founders of which were bishops, is characterized by the fact that the power of church authorities and spiritual elders was concentrated. Thus, a great independence from secular authorities was achieved. This group of temples is in opposition to regal monasteries in which the power of rulers and founders was concentrated, whereas the power of the bishops was diminished. The necessity of forming these monasteries was indicated at the very beginning of Serbian Church activity. What is more, Byzantine role models may be recognized. The second Serbian archbishop Arsenije founded a monastery on the estate of Žiča property in Hvosno. It is believed that the process of making the complex of Peć was started after Sava's return from a holy land and that he played a great part in it. What is also being considered is whether the temple of Peć was from the very beginning imagined as an archbishop mausoleum, or it had acquired that role under the circumstances during the 14th century. The position of the graves, painting programme and other known data, indicate that Arsenije, Nikodim and Danilo II were buried in their endowments, in the graves they had prepared by themselves for a lifetime, as the founders of those temples. It seems that the founders and archbishops had usual founders' rights, which apart from burial and painting was manifested in publishing a monastery tipicon. The greatest number of archbishop endowments is concentrated in the Peć complex. Apart from the existing tepmle of Holy Apostles, firstly the archbishop Nikodim had built a church dedicated to St. Maria Odigitria and St. Nicolas, and all the buildings were connected by nathex with the bell tower. What is also denoted is the tendency that in the time of sudden ascent of Peć complex, the idea of canonization of Serbian archbishops started to appear. The endowment of the head of the Serbian church was not only limited to Peć cathedral. It was known that Nikodim had built churches dedicated to St. Sava in the town of Lizica. Moreover, Danilo was noted as a founder of St. George's temple in Maglič, whereas to our first Serbian patriarch Joanikije, the patronage of temples with Biblical names to Karmil and Tavor is assigned. When we talk about the position of the monasteries it may be concluded that they didn't have the significance, respectability and status of Byzantine patriarchal monasteries, and in Serbia they remained in the shadow of richer and more luxurious rulers' endowments.
PB  - Centar za crkvene studije, Niš
T2  - Crkvene studije
T1  - Zadužbine srpskih arhiepiskopa srednjeg veka
T1  - Endowments of medieval Serbian archbishops
EP  - 155
IS  - 16-2
SP  - 145
VL  - 16
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2786
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Koprivica, Marija",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Zadužbine poglavara Srpske crkve u srednjem veku uočene su kao posebna grupa manastira. Za razliku od vladarskih i vlasteoskih zadužbina, u njima je skoncentrisana vlast crkvenih lica i kao ktitora i kao duhovnih starešina. Pećki komleks hramova predstavljen je kao jedan od najreprezentativnijih ove grupe. Pored toga ukazao je i na ostale arhijerejske zadužbine. Pažnja je posvećena i ktitorskim pravima njihovih osnivača. Sagledan je položaj takvih hramova unutar Srpske crkve, kako u pogledu eparhijske organizacije, tako i u odnosu na ostale manastire. Određena je i politička i društvena uloga zadužbina srpskih arhiepiskopa u srednjem veku., According to the former knowledge and interpretation of the position of monasteries in Medieval Serbia, patriarchal monasteries are not recognized as a special category, that is, in the conditions of Serbian Middle Ages they could be referred to as archbishop's monasteries. A special category of monasteries, the founders of which were bishops, is characterized by the fact that the power of church authorities and spiritual elders was concentrated. Thus, a great independence from secular authorities was achieved. This group of temples is in opposition to regal monasteries in which the power of rulers and founders was concentrated, whereas the power of the bishops was diminished. The necessity of forming these monasteries was indicated at the very beginning of Serbian Church activity. What is more, Byzantine role models may be recognized. The second Serbian archbishop Arsenije founded a monastery on the estate of Žiča property in Hvosno. It is believed that the process of making the complex of Peć was started after Sava's return from a holy land and that he played a great part in it. What is also being considered is whether the temple of Peć was from the very beginning imagined as an archbishop mausoleum, or it had acquired that role under the circumstances during the 14th century. The position of the graves, painting programme and other known data, indicate that Arsenije, Nikodim and Danilo II were buried in their endowments, in the graves they had prepared by themselves for a lifetime, as the founders of those temples. It seems that the founders and archbishops had usual founders' rights, which apart from burial and painting was manifested in publishing a monastery tipicon. The greatest number of archbishop endowments is concentrated in the Peć complex. Apart from the existing tepmle of Holy Apostles, firstly the archbishop Nikodim had built a church dedicated to St. Maria Odigitria and St. Nicolas, and all the buildings were connected by nathex with the bell tower. What is also denoted is the tendency that in the time of sudden ascent of Peć complex, the idea of canonization of Serbian archbishops started to appear. The endowment of the head of the Serbian church was not only limited to Peć cathedral. It was known that Nikodim had built churches dedicated to St. Sava in the town of Lizica. Moreover, Danilo was noted as a founder of St. George's temple in Maglič, whereas to our first Serbian patriarch Joanikije, the patronage of temples with Biblical names to Karmil and Tavor is assigned. When we talk about the position of the monasteries it may be concluded that they didn't have the significance, respectability and status of Byzantine patriarchal monasteries, and in Serbia they remained in the shadow of richer and more luxurious rulers' endowments.",
publisher = "Centar za crkvene studije, Niš",
journal = "Crkvene studije",
title = "Zadužbine srpskih arhiepiskopa srednjeg veka, Endowments of medieval Serbian archbishops",
pages = "155-145",
number = "16-2",
volume = "16",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2786"
}
Koprivica, M.. (2019). Zadužbine srpskih arhiepiskopa srednjeg veka. in Crkvene studije
Centar za crkvene studije, Niš., 16(16-2), 145-155.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2786
Koprivica M. Zadužbine srpskih arhiepiskopa srednjeg veka. in Crkvene studije. 2019;16(16-2):145-155.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2786 .
Koprivica, Marija, "Zadužbine srpskih arhiepiskopa srednjeg veka" in Crkvene studije, 16, no. 16-2 (2019):145-155,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2786 .

Teritorijalni obim episkopija Srpske crkve na početku xIII veka

Aleksić, Vladimir; Koprivica, Marija

(Centar za crkvene studije, Niš, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Aleksić, Vladimir
AU  - Koprivica, Marija
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2742
AB  - Koliko je autorima ovog priloga poznato, pred čitaocima je prvi pokušaj da se odrede konture prostora duhovne nadležnosti episkopa srpske crkve u godinama i decenijama nakon osnivanja Srpske arhiepiskopije 1219. godine. Polazi se od pretpostavke da postoji veliki stepen podudaranja između teritorija pojedinih "zemalja" i prvobitnih eparhija. S tim u vezi je dat i uvodni pregled teritorijalnih jedinica srednjovekovne Srbije, počev od sela i župa, isturenih krajišta "krajina" i gradskih distrikta, sve do "zemalja". Poslednje su bile dugotrajne formacije sačinjene od župa i nenastanjenih predela između njih i bile su osnova teritorijalne organizacije na državnom nivou. Na sličnim načelima je verovatno bila ustrojena i crkvena uprava.
AB  - This paper deals with the issue of the territorial division of the Serbian Archbishopric established in 1219/1221. Namely, its territory has been divided into eleven separate church units to improve the spiritual life of the flock. The names of these episcopacies were: Žiča, Zeta, Humska, Dabar, Budimlja, Moravice, Toplica, Hvosno, Ras, Lipljan, and Prizren. The first one was the seat of the Serbian Archiepiscopacy at the same time. Only the three last mentioned above had existed as the part of the previous church structure before they became the part of the new ecclesiastical system. All other was established in the process of the creation of the new "national" church. It was a tremendous task because of the sparse settlement structure and the undeveloped economy in many parts of Serbia at that time. Considering the almost critical absence of the contemporary sources, it has been no attempts so far to reconstruct the contour of the territorial division of the Serbian Archbishopric in its early stage of development. Only in the cases of the diocese of Moravice and Žiča, it has been possible to outline the approximate borderlines of these two dioceses. For all other, there is only the uncertain idea about their geographical position. However, the fruitful research of the secular state structure of the medieval Kingdome of Bosnia and the Serbian State under the Nemanyd dynasty has brought new results in last few decades. It is now more evident that there were more complex ways to cluster the lover units of the territorial division into the larger systems. Namely, many villages were summoned together, and they formed the districts called župas following the patterns which were mostly influenced by the character of the local landscape and demographic situation. Besides, there were two other types of territories: city districts of the few significant towns such were Prizren and Niš, and particular border areas, so-called krajinas. However, they are less important for our research. At least two or more župas, together with neighbouring uninhabited areas, such as are mountain ranges or heavily forested hilly terrain, formed the so-called lands. Each of them had its prehistory, and therefore they had the various time of creation. It is mention worthy that all of them were long-lasting geographical configurations which were only partially influenced by the numerous political shifts or gradual social and economic development. One more striking feature is the fact that the vast majority of lands share the same name with the abovementioned church units. In case of the Land of Moravice the geographical space of this administrative unit almost entirely coincides with the territory of the bishoprics of the same name. This feature suggests that this similarity was the result of the planned strategy. It is most probable that King Stephan the First-Crowned and his younger brother Sava Nemanjić, who became the first Archbishop of Serbian Episcopacy, adjusted the newly formed ecclesiastical infrastructure to the existing civil and military territorial division presented in Serbia at the beginning of the XIII century as much as it was possible. Based on this idea, it has been possible to reconstruct the territory of each of eleven episcopacies approximately. This task was very challenging because of the many obstacles, as follows. Uninhabited parts of medieval Serbia, as mentioned before, were not covered with the župa organisation. Therefore, in many cases, it is doubtful where to allocate some mountain ranges or scarcely populated valleys and tablelands situated between two joining lands. Furthermore, in some cases, župas were not grouped into lands, as it was the case with the regions of Ibar and Zapadna Morava Rivers or in the historical area of Kosovo. It was here where the organisational structure was the most changeable due to the creation of new church units (Žiča, Hvosno). As the result of our research, it has become clear that the even the territories of two ancient lands may have been unified under the church jurisdiction of one prelate. It may have been precisely the situation with the diocese of Zeta, which included the historical lands of the same name, previously called Duklja, and most probably the whole region of the historical Land of Travunija. Moreover, there were the cases when the recent conquest portions of the Byzantine Empire became the part of the closest diocese, although they have not belonged to the land of the same name. For example, the Župas of Morava and Dubravnica, which were situated in the Morava Valley, may have been merged to the Land of Toplica. One may notice, that the creation of the new Archbishopric significantly contributed to the corroboration of the existing territorial division of the Kingdome of Serbia. Furthermore, as the consequence of the above-described practice, i. e. of merging several smaller territorial units into more spacious assemblies, the new lands were created covering almost the entire territory of the state in the following centuries. Thanks to these processes the management structure was significantly upgraded.
PB  - Centar za crkvene studije, Niš
T2  - Crkvene studije
T1  - Teritorijalni obim episkopija Srpske crkve na početku xIII veka
T1  - Territorial division of Serbian church at the beginning of XIII century
EP  - 85
IS  - 16-2
SP  - 57
VL  - 16
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2742
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Aleksić, Vladimir and Koprivica, Marija",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Koliko je autorima ovog priloga poznato, pred čitaocima je prvi pokušaj da se odrede konture prostora duhovne nadležnosti episkopa srpske crkve u godinama i decenijama nakon osnivanja Srpske arhiepiskopije 1219. godine. Polazi se od pretpostavke da postoji veliki stepen podudaranja između teritorija pojedinih "zemalja" i prvobitnih eparhija. S tim u vezi je dat i uvodni pregled teritorijalnih jedinica srednjovekovne Srbije, počev od sela i župa, isturenih krajišta "krajina" i gradskih distrikta, sve do "zemalja". Poslednje su bile dugotrajne formacije sačinjene od župa i nenastanjenih predela između njih i bile su osnova teritorijalne organizacije na državnom nivou. Na sličnim načelima je verovatno bila ustrojena i crkvena uprava., This paper deals with the issue of the territorial division of the Serbian Archbishopric established in 1219/1221. Namely, its territory has been divided into eleven separate church units to improve the spiritual life of the flock. The names of these episcopacies were: Žiča, Zeta, Humska, Dabar, Budimlja, Moravice, Toplica, Hvosno, Ras, Lipljan, and Prizren. The first one was the seat of the Serbian Archiepiscopacy at the same time. Only the three last mentioned above had existed as the part of the previous church structure before they became the part of the new ecclesiastical system. All other was established in the process of the creation of the new "national" church. It was a tremendous task because of the sparse settlement structure and the undeveloped economy in many parts of Serbia at that time. Considering the almost critical absence of the contemporary sources, it has been no attempts so far to reconstruct the contour of the territorial division of the Serbian Archbishopric in its early stage of development. Only in the cases of the diocese of Moravice and Žiča, it has been possible to outline the approximate borderlines of these two dioceses. For all other, there is only the uncertain idea about their geographical position. However, the fruitful research of the secular state structure of the medieval Kingdome of Bosnia and the Serbian State under the Nemanyd dynasty has brought new results in last few decades. It is now more evident that there were more complex ways to cluster the lover units of the territorial division into the larger systems. Namely, many villages were summoned together, and they formed the districts called župas following the patterns which were mostly influenced by the character of the local landscape and demographic situation. Besides, there were two other types of territories: city districts of the few significant towns such were Prizren and Niš, and particular border areas, so-called krajinas. However, they are less important for our research. At least two or more župas, together with neighbouring uninhabited areas, such as are mountain ranges or heavily forested hilly terrain, formed the so-called lands. Each of them had its prehistory, and therefore they had the various time of creation. It is mention worthy that all of them were long-lasting geographical configurations which were only partially influenced by the numerous political shifts or gradual social and economic development. One more striking feature is the fact that the vast majority of lands share the same name with the abovementioned church units. In case of the Land of Moravice the geographical space of this administrative unit almost entirely coincides with the territory of the bishoprics of the same name. This feature suggests that this similarity was the result of the planned strategy. It is most probable that King Stephan the First-Crowned and his younger brother Sava Nemanjić, who became the first Archbishop of Serbian Episcopacy, adjusted the newly formed ecclesiastical infrastructure to the existing civil and military territorial division presented in Serbia at the beginning of the XIII century as much as it was possible. Based on this idea, it has been possible to reconstruct the territory of each of eleven episcopacies approximately. This task was very challenging because of the many obstacles, as follows. Uninhabited parts of medieval Serbia, as mentioned before, were not covered with the župa organisation. Therefore, in many cases, it is doubtful where to allocate some mountain ranges or scarcely populated valleys and tablelands situated between two joining lands. Furthermore, in some cases, župas were not grouped into lands, as it was the case with the regions of Ibar and Zapadna Morava Rivers or in the historical area of Kosovo. It was here where the organisational structure was the most changeable due to the creation of new church units (Žiča, Hvosno). As the result of our research, it has become clear that the even the territories of two ancient lands may have been unified under the church jurisdiction of one prelate. It may have been precisely the situation with the diocese of Zeta, which included the historical lands of the same name, previously called Duklja, and most probably the whole region of the historical Land of Travunija. Moreover, there were the cases when the recent conquest portions of the Byzantine Empire became the part of the closest diocese, although they have not belonged to the land of the same name. For example, the Župas of Morava and Dubravnica, which were situated in the Morava Valley, may have been merged to the Land of Toplica. One may notice, that the creation of the new Archbishopric significantly contributed to the corroboration of the existing territorial division of the Kingdome of Serbia. Furthermore, as the consequence of the above-described practice, i. e. of merging several smaller territorial units into more spacious assemblies, the new lands were created covering almost the entire territory of the state in the following centuries. Thanks to these processes the management structure was significantly upgraded.",
publisher = "Centar za crkvene studije, Niš",
journal = "Crkvene studije",
title = "Teritorijalni obim episkopija Srpske crkve na početku xIII veka, Territorial division of Serbian church at the beginning of XIII century",
pages = "85-57",
number = "16-2",
volume = "16",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2742"
}
Aleksić, V.,& Koprivica, M.. (2019). Teritorijalni obim episkopija Srpske crkve na početku xIII veka. in Crkvene studije
Centar za crkvene studije, Niš., 16(16-2), 57-85.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2742
Aleksić V, Koprivica M. Teritorijalni obim episkopija Srpske crkve na početku xIII veka. in Crkvene studije. 2019;16(16-2):57-85.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2742 .
Aleksić, Vladimir, Koprivica, Marija, "Teritorijalni obim episkopija Srpske crkve na početku xIII veka" in Crkvene studije, 16, no. 16-2 (2019):57-85,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2742 .

Socijalno poreklo srpskih arhiepiskopa (1219 - 1337)

Mišić, Siniša

(Centar za crkvene studije, Niš, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mišić, Siniša
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2744
AB  - Rad se bavi istraživanjem socijalnog porekla srpskih arhiepiskopa od osnivanja srpske autokefalne crkve, pa do dovođenja Joanikija na arhiepiskopsku stolicu 1337. godine. Dolaskom Save Nemanjića na mesto arhiepiskopa novoosnovane srpske crkve ustanovljen je aristokratski karakter njenih prelata. Svi arhiepiskopi su bili iz vlasteoskih porodica ili iz kuće Nemanjića, a u dva navrata državom i crkvom su rukovodila dvojica rođene braće. Podaci o ovim pitanjima uglavnom su crpeni iz žitijne književnosti, a i u njoj su fragmentarni i uzgredni. Zbog toga neka pitanja i dalje ostaju bez odgovora.
AB  - The aristocratic character of the higher ranks of the Serbian Orthodox Church and its archbishops, had been visible since the foundation of the autocephaly church. At that time, as its head had been appointed Sava Nemanjić, in the everyday life prince and head of the province. His direct successor had been a member of the esteemed noblemen and had been educated directly under Sava`s supervision. With Sava II (Predislav) the Serbian church had again had prince and ruler`s brother as its head. All Serbian archbishops after him, were of noble origin. Among them, the emphasize should be put on Danilo II, who was, without any doubt from the ranks of the highest nobility. His relation to the ruling family is not clear enough, but some sort of family connection could not be excluded. From the event with monastery of Hilandar and Catalonian mercenaries it could be seen that Danilo was capable soldier and personally wealthy man. The leadership of the Serbian Church will keep its aristocratic character until the end of the Middle Ages.
PB  - Centar za crkvene studije, Niš
T2  - Crkvene studije
T1  - Socijalno poreklo srpskih arhiepiskopa (1219 - 1337)
T1  - The social origin of the Serbian archbishops (1219-1337)
EP  - 96
IS  - 16-2
SP  - 87
VL  - 16
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2744
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Mišić, Siniša",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Rad se bavi istraživanjem socijalnog porekla srpskih arhiepiskopa od osnivanja srpske autokefalne crkve, pa do dovođenja Joanikija na arhiepiskopsku stolicu 1337. godine. Dolaskom Save Nemanjića na mesto arhiepiskopa novoosnovane srpske crkve ustanovljen je aristokratski karakter njenih prelata. Svi arhiepiskopi su bili iz vlasteoskih porodica ili iz kuće Nemanjića, a u dva navrata državom i crkvom su rukovodila dvojica rođene braće. Podaci o ovim pitanjima uglavnom su crpeni iz žitijne književnosti, a i u njoj su fragmentarni i uzgredni. Zbog toga neka pitanja i dalje ostaju bez odgovora., The aristocratic character of the higher ranks of the Serbian Orthodox Church and its archbishops, had been visible since the foundation of the autocephaly church. At that time, as its head had been appointed Sava Nemanjić, in the everyday life prince and head of the province. His direct successor had been a member of the esteemed noblemen and had been educated directly under Sava`s supervision. With Sava II (Predislav) the Serbian church had again had prince and ruler`s brother as its head. All Serbian archbishops after him, were of noble origin. Among them, the emphasize should be put on Danilo II, who was, without any doubt from the ranks of the highest nobility. His relation to the ruling family is not clear enough, but some sort of family connection could not be excluded. From the event with monastery of Hilandar and Catalonian mercenaries it could be seen that Danilo was capable soldier and personally wealthy man. The leadership of the Serbian Church will keep its aristocratic character until the end of the Middle Ages.",
publisher = "Centar za crkvene studije, Niš",
journal = "Crkvene studije",
title = "Socijalno poreklo srpskih arhiepiskopa (1219 - 1337), The social origin of the Serbian archbishops (1219-1337)",
pages = "96-87",
number = "16-2",
volume = "16",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2744"
}
Mišić, S.. (2019). Socijalno poreklo srpskih arhiepiskopa (1219 - 1337). in Crkvene studije
Centar za crkvene studije, Niš., 16(16-2), 87-96.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2744
Mišić S. Socijalno poreklo srpskih arhiepiskopa (1219 - 1337). in Crkvene studije. 2019;16(16-2):87-96.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2744 .
Mišić, Siniša, "Socijalno poreklo srpskih arhiepiskopa (1219 - 1337)" in Crkvene studije, 16, no. 16-2 (2019):87-96,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2744 .

Između "nobles sauvages" i "sauvage blanc" - ekokritička promišljanja i mapiranje filmova i knjiga o Brazilu

Mrgić, Jelena

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Beograd i Udruženje za društvenu istoriju, Beograd, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mrgić, Jelena
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2729
AB  - Rad sa stanovišta ekokritičke teorije, potekle iz studija književnosti, interpretira određena filmska ostvarenja i književna dela prema autorkinom izboru. Taj izbor određen je na osnovu ličnog senzibiliteta, uočavanja nivoa verodostojne interpretacije faktualnih postavki, te socio-kulturološkog miljea autora scenarija, literarnih predložaka i režisera. Posmatra se kako je prirodna sredina transponovana, kadrirana i predstavljena auditorijumu, s posebnim naglaskom na odabrane "političke i delatne životinje" koje govore, ponašaju se i intervenišu u određenom ekološkom setingu na osnovu specifičnih ideja vodilja i kulturoloških odrednica. Reč je o četiri dugometražna filma, igrana i semi-dokumentarna, prostorno usidrena u Brazil: "Misija" (The Mission, 1986), dva Hercogova filma, kao pisca i režisera: "Agire, bes bogova" (Aguirre, der Zorn Gottes, 1972) i "Fickaraldo" (Fitzcarraldo, 1982), te Salgadovom "So zemlje" (Le Sel de la Terre, 2014). Rad će tretirati istorijsko-geografsku lokaciju pomenutih ostvarenja, uz napomene o istorijskim izvorima i istraživanjima tih područja, i naposletku, biće mapirani na tlu Brazila u prvoj istorijsko-geografskoj karti takve vrste kod nas.
AB  - The text presents an attempt to give an ecocritical interpretation of four motion pictures and a handful of literary works which concern the preconceptions and perceptions of the tropical world in Brazil, the categories applied to its inhabitants as 'nobles sauvages', while the Amazonia, the heart of Brazil, is presented either as a 'Paradise lost and recreated' or 'Green hell'. In my interpretation I insist on finding the cultural and social background of the authors/directors, and the time setting of the films as a possible indicator of ecological awareness, both individual and global. The Guaranis in "The Mission" (1986) are mute and passive figures, and as such they defy the destruction of the artificial recreation of Jesuit Paradise of reducciones (missions). The archetypical 'sauvage blanc', white man going raving mad in the tropics is epitomized in two of Werner Herzog's movies - Aguirre, der Zorn Gottes (1972) and Fitzcarraldo (1982), mostly by the fascinating power of Klaus Kinski's authenticity. Herzog's thoughts on Nature and Man are discussed against his cultural background and contemporary cinematographic interpretations. The fourth movie is the dearest to my heart - the life and stories of Sebastiao Salgado, who is with the help of his wife and Kameraderin Lelia resurrecting Mata Atlantica on his estate - The Salt of the Earth (2014), and they are giving me hope in these dark moments for the future of Brazil and our beautiful planet. I have also dealt with the viciousness of monocultures in the agroeconomy of Brazil - caoutchouc, cocoa, and coffee, and, on the other hand, the beautiful diversity of Brazilian nation, immortalized by Jorge Amado and other authors. Finally, I have presented a map of my cinematographical and literary journeys, so the readers can appreciate the greatness of the whole continent, and to show how historical geography can and should be appied more widely.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Beograd i Udruženje za društvenu istoriju, Beograd
T2  - Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju
T1  - Između "nobles sauvages" i "sauvage blanc" - ekokritička promišljanja i mapiranje filmova i knjiga o Brazilu
T1  - Between 'nobles sauvages' and 'sauvage blanc': Ecocritical reflections and mapping of movies and books on Brazil
EP  - 64
IS  - 1
SP  - 29
VL  - 26
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2729
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Mrgić, Jelena",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Rad sa stanovišta ekokritičke teorije, potekle iz studija književnosti, interpretira određena filmska ostvarenja i književna dela prema autorkinom izboru. Taj izbor određen je na osnovu ličnog senzibiliteta, uočavanja nivoa verodostojne interpretacije faktualnih postavki, te socio-kulturološkog miljea autora scenarija, literarnih predložaka i režisera. Posmatra se kako je prirodna sredina transponovana, kadrirana i predstavljena auditorijumu, s posebnim naglaskom na odabrane "političke i delatne životinje" koje govore, ponašaju se i intervenišu u određenom ekološkom setingu na osnovu specifičnih ideja vodilja i kulturoloških odrednica. Reč je o četiri dugometražna filma, igrana i semi-dokumentarna, prostorno usidrena u Brazil: "Misija" (The Mission, 1986), dva Hercogova filma, kao pisca i režisera: "Agire, bes bogova" (Aguirre, der Zorn Gottes, 1972) i "Fickaraldo" (Fitzcarraldo, 1982), te Salgadovom "So zemlje" (Le Sel de la Terre, 2014). Rad će tretirati istorijsko-geografsku lokaciju pomenutih ostvarenja, uz napomene o istorijskim izvorima i istraživanjima tih područja, i naposletku, biće mapirani na tlu Brazila u prvoj istorijsko-geografskoj karti takve vrste kod nas., The text presents an attempt to give an ecocritical interpretation of four motion pictures and a handful of literary works which concern the preconceptions and perceptions of the tropical world in Brazil, the categories applied to its inhabitants as 'nobles sauvages', while the Amazonia, the heart of Brazil, is presented either as a 'Paradise lost and recreated' or 'Green hell'. In my interpretation I insist on finding the cultural and social background of the authors/directors, and the time setting of the films as a possible indicator of ecological awareness, both individual and global. The Guaranis in "The Mission" (1986) are mute and passive figures, and as such they defy the destruction of the artificial recreation of Jesuit Paradise of reducciones (missions). The archetypical 'sauvage blanc', white man going raving mad in the tropics is epitomized in two of Werner Herzog's movies - Aguirre, der Zorn Gottes (1972) and Fitzcarraldo (1982), mostly by the fascinating power of Klaus Kinski's authenticity. Herzog's thoughts on Nature and Man are discussed against his cultural background and contemporary cinematographic interpretations. The fourth movie is the dearest to my heart - the life and stories of Sebastiao Salgado, who is with the help of his wife and Kameraderin Lelia resurrecting Mata Atlantica on his estate - The Salt of the Earth (2014), and they are giving me hope in these dark moments for the future of Brazil and our beautiful planet. I have also dealt with the viciousness of monocultures in the agroeconomy of Brazil - caoutchouc, cocoa, and coffee, and, on the other hand, the beautiful diversity of Brazilian nation, immortalized by Jorge Amado and other authors. Finally, I have presented a map of my cinematographical and literary journeys, so the readers can appreciate the greatness of the whole continent, and to show how historical geography can and should be appied more widely.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Beograd i Udruženje za društvenu istoriju, Beograd",
journal = "Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju",
title = "Između "nobles sauvages" i "sauvage blanc" - ekokritička promišljanja i mapiranje filmova i knjiga o Brazilu, Between 'nobles sauvages' and 'sauvage blanc': Ecocritical reflections and mapping of movies and books on Brazil",
pages = "64-29",
number = "1",
volume = "26",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2729"
}
Mrgić, J.. (2019). Između "nobles sauvages" i "sauvage blanc" - ekokritička promišljanja i mapiranje filmova i knjiga o Brazilu. in Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet, Beograd i Udruženje za društvenu istoriju, Beograd., 26(1), 29-64.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2729
Mrgić J. Između "nobles sauvages" i "sauvage blanc" - ekokritička promišljanja i mapiranje filmova i knjiga o Brazilu. in Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju. 2019;26(1):29-64.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2729 .
Mrgić, Jelena, "Između "nobles sauvages" i "sauvage blanc" - ekokritička promišljanja i mapiranje filmova i knjiga o Brazilu" in Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju, 26, no. 1 (2019):29-64,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2729 .

Сеоска насеља и насељеност

Koprivica, Marija

(Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд, 2018)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Koprivica, Marija
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/5568
AB  - Кроз читав средњи век извоори су шкрто помињали шумадијска села, па и градове. Од Жичких повеља, па до времена кнеза Лазара и деспота Стефана, тек по које насеље је именом забележено.
PB  - Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд
T2  - Шумадија у  XV веку
T1  - Сеоска насеља и насељеност
EP  - 230
SP  - 201
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5568
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Koprivica, Marija",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Кроз читав средњи век извоори су шкрто помињали шумадијска села, па и градове. Од Жичких повеља, па до времена кнеза Лазара и деспота Стефана, тек по које насеље је именом забележено.",
publisher = "Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд",
journal = "Шумадија у  XV веку",
booktitle = "Сеоска насеља и насељеност",
pages = "230-201",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5568"
}
Koprivica, M.. (2018). Сеоска насеља и насељеност. in Шумадија у  XV веку
Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд., 201-230.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5568
Koprivica M. Сеоска насеља и насељеност. in Шумадија у  XV веку. 2018;:201-230.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5568 .
Koprivica, Marija, "Сеоска насеља и насељеност" in Шумадија у  XV веку (2018):201-230,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5568 .

Православна црква у Шумадији у средњем веку

Koprivica, Marija

(Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд, 2018)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Koprivica, Marija
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/5567
AB  - Црквене прилике у Шумадији у средњем веку су биле умногоме условљене географским околностима и политичким приликама. За постојање јаког црквеног центра у раном средњем веку је било постојање градског насеља.
PB  - Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд
T2  - Шумадија у  XV веку
T1  - Православна црква у Шумадији у средњем веку
EP  - 101
SP  - 79
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5567
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Koprivica, Marija",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Црквене прилике у Шумадији у средњем веку су биле умногоме условљене географским околностима и политичким приликама. За постојање јаког црквеног центра у раном средњем веку је било постојање градског насеља.",
publisher = "Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд",
journal = "Шумадија у  XV веку",
booktitle = "Православна црква у Шумадији у средњем веку",
pages = "101-79",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5567"
}
Koprivica, M.. (2018). Православна црква у Шумадији у средњем веку. in Шумадија у  XV веку
Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд., 79-101.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5567
Koprivica M. Православна црква у Шумадији у средњем веку. in Шумадија у  XV веку. 2018;:79-101.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5567 .
Koprivica, Marija, "Православна црква у Шумадији у средњем веку" in Шумадија у  XV веку (2018):79-101,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5567 .

Исламизација и положај православне цркве у другој половини 15. и 16. веку,

Koprivica, Marija

(Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд, 2018)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Koprivica, Marija
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/5566
AB  - Успостављање османске власти донело је крупне промене у свим облстима друштвеног живота. Покренута су велика демографска кретања, али и културне и привредне промене. Ипак, највеће промене десиле су се у верском животу.
PB  - Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд
T2  - Шумадија у  XV веку
T1  - Исламизација и положај православне цркве у другој половини 15. и 16. веку,
EP  - 135
SP  - 125
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5566
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Koprivica, Marija",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Успостављање османске власти донело је крупне промене у свим облстима друштвеног живота. Покренута су велика демографска кретања, али и културне и привредне промене. Ипак, највеће промене десиле су се у верском животу.",
publisher = "Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд",
journal = "Шумадија у  XV веку",
booktitle = "Исламизација и положај православне цркве у другој половини 15. и 16. веку,",
pages = "135-125",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5566"
}
Koprivica, M.. (2018). Исламизација и положај православне цркве у другој половини 15. и 16. веку,. in Шумадија у  XV веку
Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд., 125-135.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5566
Koprivica M. Исламизација и положај православне цркве у другој половини 15. и 16. веку,. in Шумадија у  XV веку. 2018;:125-135.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5566 .
Koprivica, Marija, "Исламизација и положај православне цркве у другој половини 15. и 16. веку," in Шумадија у  XV веку (2018):125-135,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5566 .

Турска управа на подручју Шумадије

Koprivica, Marija

(Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд, 2018)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Koprivica, Marija
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/5565
AB  - Prostor Šumadije je ostao u sastavu Srpske despotovine do pred sam kraj njenog postojanja. Padom Smedereva najveći deo Šumadije pripojen je Osmanskom carstvu.
PB  - Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд
T2  - Шумадија у XV веку : колективна монографија
T1  - Турска управа на подручју Шумадије
EP  - 78
SP  - 59
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5565
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Koprivica, Marija",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Prostor Šumadije je ostao u sastavu Srpske despotovine do pred sam kraj njenog postojanja. Padom Smedereva najveći deo Šumadije pripojen je Osmanskom carstvu.",
publisher = "Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд",
journal = "Шумадија у XV веку : колективна монографија",
booktitle = "Турска управа на подручју Шумадије",
pages = "78-59",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5565"
}
Koprivica, M.. (2018). Турска управа на подручју Шумадије. in Шумадија у XV веку : колективна монографија
Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд., 59-78.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5565
Koprivica M. Турска управа на подручју Шумадије. in Шумадија у XV веку : колективна монографија. 2018;:59-78.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5565 .
Koprivica, Marija, "Турска управа на подручју Шумадије" in Шумадија у XV веку : колективна монографија (2018):59-78,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_5565 .

Obaveze Srpske crkve prema Karejskoj ćeliji u srednje veku

Koprivica, Marija

(Centar za crkvene studije, Niš, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Koprivica, Marija
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2520
AB  - Nekoliko srednjovekovnih srpskih povelja pominje materijalne obaveze Srpske arhiepiskopije i patrijaršije prema Karejskoj ćeliji. Rad objašnjava poreklo i prirodu materijalnih davanja prema isposnici Sv. Save Jerusalimskog. Takođe, bliže se određuje vremenski okvir uspostavljanja takvih odnosa. Analiza podataka koji ukazuju da su arhiepiskopi i patrijarsi imali pravo da prikupljaju bir i vrhovinu sa nekih poseda, ukazuju na postojanje posebe eparhije pod drektom jurisdikcijom poglavara Srpske crkve u okolini Peći. Pored pokušaja da se približno odrede okviri delovanja takve eparhije razmatrana je i korelacija sa hvostanskim crkvenim centrom.
AB  - Kareia cell was spiritually and administratively connected to Hilandar monastery, but it had a total economic autonomy. There are a few documents testifying that the pontiffs of Serbian church in Middle Ages were obliged to pay a certain amount of money to St. Sava cell, annually. The oldest preserved document mentioning this tax is the charter of the archbishop Nikodim for the Kareia cell from 1321. According to this chart, the Archiepiscopacy was paying the amount of 40 perpers for the sustenance of monks in Kareia and, apart from that, was supposed to give one mule. From the same document we find out that the abovementioned charge had also been present in the earlier period. The charter of emperor Dusan from 1355, among other things, contains also a decree about the obligations of the Patriarchy towards Kareia cell in the same amount. Apart from that, it clarifies the problem by explaining that the Patriarchy is collecting the profits from the "vrhovina" and "krina" (a type of church tax) from Hilandar metohija, and because of that, as compensation, it allows the Kareia cell a monetary charge. The document analysis shows that establishing this kind of relations could have happened only in the period after moving the seat of the Serbian church to Pec, most probably in the period of the archbishop Sava III. It was implied that the pontiff of Serbian church had a separate eparchy in the vicinity of Pec, to which two Hilandar estates belonged, probably metohija of Krusevo. Scarce data on this eparchy do not allow reconstruction of its size. Mentioning the bishop of Pec in the 15th century may be related to this special church area activity.
PB  - Centar za crkvene studije, Niš
T2  - Crkvene studije
T1  - Obaveze Srpske crkve prema Karejskoj ćeliji u srednje veku
T1  - The obligations of Serbian church towards Kareia cell in the Middle Ages
EP  - 518
IS  - 15
SP  - 509
VL  - 15
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2520
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Koprivica, Marija",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Nekoliko srednjovekovnih srpskih povelja pominje materijalne obaveze Srpske arhiepiskopije i patrijaršije prema Karejskoj ćeliji. Rad objašnjava poreklo i prirodu materijalnih davanja prema isposnici Sv. Save Jerusalimskog. Takođe, bliže se određuje vremenski okvir uspostavljanja takvih odnosa. Analiza podataka koji ukazuju da su arhiepiskopi i patrijarsi imali pravo da prikupljaju bir i vrhovinu sa nekih poseda, ukazuju na postojanje posebe eparhije pod drektom jurisdikcijom poglavara Srpske crkve u okolini Peći. Pored pokušaja da se približno odrede okviri delovanja takve eparhije razmatrana je i korelacija sa hvostanskim crkvenim centrom., Kareia cell was spiritually and administratively connected to Hilandar monastery, but it had a total economic autonomy. There are a few documents testifying that the pontiffs of Serbian church in Middle Ages were obliged to pay a certain amount of money to St. Sava cell, annually. The oldest preserved document mentioning this tax is the charter of the archbishop Nikodim for the Kareia cell from 1321. According to this chart, the Archiepiscopacy was paying the amount of 40 perpers for the sustenance of monks in Kareia and, apart from that, was supposed to give one mule. From the same document we find out that the abovementioned charge had also been present in the earlier period. The charter of emperor Dusan from 1355, among other things, contains also a decree about the obligations of the Patriarchy towards Kareia cell in the same amount. Apart from that, it clarifies the problem by explaining that the Patriarchy is collecting the profits from the "vrhovina" and "krina" (a type of church tax) from Hilandar metohija, and because of that, as compensation, it allows the Kareia cell a monetary charge. The document analysis shows that establishing this kind of relations could have happened only in the period after moving the seat of the Serbian church to Pec, most probably in the period of the archbishop Sava III. It was implied that the pontiff of Serbian church had a separate eparchy in the vicinity of Pec, to which two Hilandar estates belonged, probably metohija of Krusevo. Scarce data on this eparchy do not allow reconstruction of its size. Mentioning the bishop of Pec in the 15th century may be related to this special church area activity.",
publisher = "Centar za crkvene studije, Niš",
journal = "Crkvene studije",
title = "Obaveze Srpske crkve prema Karejskoj ćeliji u srednje veku, The obligations of Serbian church towards Kareia cell in the Middle Ages",
pages = "518-509",
number = "15",
volume = "15",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2520"
}
Koprivica, M.. (2018). Obaveze Srpske crkve prema Karejskoj ćeliji u srednje veku. in Crkvene studije
Centar za crkvene studije, Niš., 15(15), 509-518.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2520
Koprivica M. Obaveze Srpske crkve prema Karejskoj ćeliji u srednje veku. in Crkvene studije. 2018;15(15):509-518.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2520 .
Koprivica, Marija, "Obaveze Srpske crkve prema Karejskoj ćeliji u srednje veku" in Crkvene studije, 15, no. 15 (2018):509-518,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_2520 .

Повеља господина Константина Драгаша Хиландару за Лесново (Хил. 68)

Mišić, Siniša

(Филозофски факултет у Београду, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mišić, Siniša
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4720
AB  - Рад се бави повељом Константина Драгаша којом враћа манастир Лесново Хиландару. На основу дипломатичке анализе утврђено је да се ради о познијој преради, насталој после 1388. године. Повеља нема исправан датум, аренгу  која не одговара ни једној другој из канцеларије Драгаша, никада није снабдевена печатом, податке из ње није могуће проверити у другим изворима.
PB  - Филозофски факултет у Београду
PB  - Филозофски факултет у Бањој Луци
PB  - Филозофски факултет у Српском Сарајеву
PB  - Историјски архив у Чачку
T2  - Stari srpski arhiv
T1  - Повеља господина Константина Драгаша Хиландару за Лесново (Хил. 68)
EP  - 107
IS  - 17
SP  - 97
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4720
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Mišić, Siniša",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Рад се бави повељом Константина Драгаша којом враћа манастир Лесново Хиландару. На основу дипломатичке анализе утврђено је да се ради о познијој преради, насталој после 1388. године. Повеља нема исправан датум, аренгу  која не одговара ни једној другој из канцеларије Драгаша, никада није снабдевена печатом, податке из ње није могуће проверити у другим изворима.",
publisher = "Филозофски факултет у Београду, Филозофски факултет у Бањој Луци, Филозофски факултет у Српском Сарајеву, Историјски архив у Чачку",
journal = "Stari srpski arhiv",
title = "Повеља господина Константина Драгаша Хиландару за Лесново (Хил. 68)",
pages = "107-97",
number = "17",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4720"
}
Mišić, S.. (2018). Повеља господина Константина Драгаша Хиландару за Лесново (Хил. 68). in Stari srpski arhiv
Филозофски факултет у Београду.(17), 97-107.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4720
Mišić S. Повеља господина Константина Драгаша Хиландару за Лесново (Хил. 68). in Stari srpski arhiv. 2018;(17):97-107.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4720 .
Mišić, Siniša, "Повеља господина Константина Драгаша Хиландару за Лесново (Хил. 68)" in Stari srpski arhiv, no. 17 (2018):97-107,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4720 .

Intemperate weather in violent times-narratives from the Western Balkans during the little ice age (17-18th centuries)

Mrgić, Jelena

(Univ Rioja, Serv Publicaciones, La Rioja, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mrgić, Jelena
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2651
AB  - The paper aims to present narrative sources from the late phase of 'Little Ice Age' period for a part of the Southeastern Europe, which is still poorly investigated. In the lack of solid evidence, obtained by geo-sciences (dendrochronology, sediment and pollen analysis, records of instrumental measurements, etc.), the text relies on documentary 'proxies' derived from several chronicles and short notes. These accounts - from Dalmatian cities of Split and Makarska, Ottoman metropolis of Sarajevo, Franciscan monasteries in Kresevo (Bosnia) and in Sarengrad (Srem, after Habsbur gre-conquest) - are unevenly distributed in time and geographical space, far from the quality of 'weather diaries', which existed elsewhere in Europe of this period. Nonetheless, the preserved sources verify in their own manner cumulative changes occurring throughout the region: people observed changes not only in high frequency of change of seasonal temperature and precipitation patterns and the scale, but more significantly, there was coupling of extreme weather events and heavy disturbances of weather patterns. Franciscan writers in Makarska and Kresevo repeatedly wrote how weather features and course of seasons were untimely, unexpected, sudden and detrimental, 'suis temporibus non correspondens', and how particular agricultural works could not be performed 'ut moris est', at the usual, traditional schedule, due to the weather perturbances. Adriatic summers turned extremely hot and dry, with long periods without any rain, while data from Sarengrad corroborate results obtain in the historical climatology for Hungary on the severity of winters and long period of frozen Danube River. Mulla Basheski's records from Sarajevo yield information on Miljacka River flood events, in connection to both climate condition and land-use patterns. This paper is foremost an attempt to draw attention to research possibilities for the Western Balkans, and there are more documentary, narrative and archival sources to be further investigated, with collaborations among geoscientists and historians.
PB  - Univ Rioja, Serv Publicaciones, La Rioja
T2  - Cuadernos De Investigacion Geografica
T1  - Intemperate weather in violent times-narratives from the Western Balkans during the little ice age (17-18th centuries)
EP  - 169
IS  - 1
SP  - 137
VL  - 44
DO  - 10.18172/cig.3380
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Mrgić, Jelena",
year = "2018",
abstract = "The paper aims to present narrative sources from the late phase of 'Little Ice Age' period for a part of the Southeastern Europe, which is still poorly investigated. In the lack of solid evidence, obtained by geo-sciences (dendrochronology, sediment and pollen analysis, records of instrumental measurements, etc.), the text relies on documentary 'proxies' derived from several chronicles and short notes. These accounts - from Dalmatian cities of Split and Makarska, Ottoman metropolis of Sarajevo, Franciscan monasteries in Kresevo (Bosnia) and in Sarengrad (Srem, after Habsbur gre-conquest) - are unevenly distributed in time and geographical space, far from the quality of 'weather diaries', which existed elsewhere in Europe of this period. Nonetheless, the preserved sources verify in their own manner cumulative changes occurring throughout the region: people observed changes not only in high frequency of change of seasonal temperature and precipitation patterns and the scale, but more significantly, there was coupling of extreme weather events and heavy disturbances of weather patterns. Franciscan writers in Makarska and Kresevo repeatedly wrote how weather features and course of seasons were untimely, unexpected, sudden and detrimental, 'suis temporibus non correspondens', and how particular agricultural works could not be performed 'ut moris est', at the usual, traditional schedule, due to the weather perturbances. Adriatic summers turned extremely hot and dry, with long periods without any rain, while data from Sarengrad corroborate results obtain in the historical climatology for Hungary on the severity of winters and long period of frozen Danube River. Mulla Basheski's records from Sarajevo yield information on Miljacka River flood events, in connection to both climate condition and land-use patterns. This paper is foremost an attempt to draw attention to research possibilities for the Western Balkans, and there are more documentary, narrative and archival sources to be further investigated, with collaborations among geoscientists and historians.",
publisher = "Univ Rioja, Serv Publicaciones, La Rioja",
journal = "Cuadernos De Investigacion Geografica",
title = "Intemperate weather in violent times-narratives from the Western Balkans during the little ice age (17-18th centuries)",
pages = "169-137",
number = "1",
volume = "44",
doi = "10.18172/cig.3380"
}
Mrgić, J.. (2018). Intemperate weather in violent times-narratives from the Western Balkans during the little ice age (17-18th centuries). in Cuadernos De Investigacion Geografica
Univ Rioja, Serv Publicaciones, La Rioja., 44(1), 137-169.
https://doi.org/10.18172/cig.3380
Mrgić J. Intemperate weather in violent times-narratives from the Western Balkans during the little ice age (17-18th centuries). in Cuadernos De Investigacion Geografica. 2018;44(1):137-169.
doi:10.18172/cig.3380 .
Mrgić, Jelena, "Intemperate weather in violent times-narratives from the Western Balkans during the little ice age (17-18th centuries)" in Cuadernos De Investigacion Geografica, 44, no. 1 (2018):137-169,
https://doi.org/10.18172/cig.3380 . .
8
5
9

Moravska Srbija: istorija i istorijska geografija

Mišić, Siniša

(Evoluta, 2017)

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Mišić, Siniša
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4705
AB  - Izraz Moravska Srbija predstavlja istovremeno geografski i istoriografski pojam. U oba slučaja on je jasno definisan. U prvom u pitanju je prostor koji obuhvata sliv triju Morava (Južne, Zapadne i Velike). U istoriografiji Moravska Srbija označava državu kneza Lazara nastalu posle nestanka srpskog carstva (1371), a ovaj pojam je ostao vezan za srpsku državu do kraja srednjeg veka (1459). Na početku ovog perioda istoriografski pojam Moravske Srbije je širi od geografskog pojma i seže sve do Polimlja i Metohije, a posle 1427/1428. godine on postaje uži od geografskog pojma jer sliv Južne Morave pripada Turcima.
PB  - Evoluta
T1  - Moravska Srbija: istorija i istorijska geografija
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4705
ER  - 
@book{
author = "Mišić, Siniša",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Izraz Moravska Srbija predstavlja istovremeno geografski i istoriografski pojam. U oba slučaja on je jasno definisan. U prvom u pitanju je prostor koji obuhvata sliv triju Morava (Južne, Zapadne i Velike). U istoriografiji Moravska Srbija označava državu kneza Lazara nastalu posle nestanka srpskog carstva (1371), a ovaj pojam je ostao vezan za srpsku državu do kraja srednjeg veka (1459). Na početku ovog perioda istoriografski pojam Moravske Srbije je širi od geografskog pojma i seže sve do Polimlja i Metohije, a posle 1427/1428. godine on postaje uži od geografskog pojma jer sliv Južne Morave pripada Turcima.",
publisher = "Evoluta",
title = "Moravska Srbija: istorija i istorijska geografija",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4705"
}
Mišić, S.. (2017). Moravska Srbija: istorija i istorijska geografija. 
Evoluta..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4705
Mišić S. Moravska Srbija: istorija i istorijska geografija. 2017;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4705 .
Mišić, Siniša, "Moravska Srbija: istorija i istorijska geografija" (2017),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4705 .

Државност и државна управа у Зети Црнојевића

Mišić, Siniša

(Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mišić, Siniša
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4714
AB  - Рад се бави испитивањем српске средњовековне државсости и управе у Зети Црнојевића, Без обзира на ратове са српским деспотом свест о државсности и припадности није могла бити потиснута код стсновиштва у Зети.
PB  - Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu
T2  - Beogradski istorijski glasnik
T1  - Државност и државна управа у Зети Црнојевића
IS  - 8
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4714
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Mišić, Siniša",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Рад се бави испитивањем српске средњовековне државсости и управе у Зети Црнојевића, Без обзира на ратове са српским деспотом свест о државсности и припадности није могла бити потиснута код стсновиштва у Зети.",
publisher = "Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu",
journal = "Beogradski istorijski glasnik",
title = "Државност и државна управа у Зети Црнојевића",
number = "8",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4714"
}
Mišić, S.. (2017). Државност и државна управа у Зети Црнојевића. in Beogradski istorijski glasnik
Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu.(8).
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4714
Mišić S. Државност и државна управа у Зети Црнојевића. in Beogradski istorijski glasnik. 2017;(8).
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4714 .
Mišić, Siniša, "Државност и државна управа у Зети Црнојевића" in Beogradski istorijski glasnik, no. 8 (2017),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4714 .

Aqua vitae - Notes on Geographies of Alcohol Production and Consumption in the Ottoman Balkans

Mrgić, Jelena

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mrgić, Jelena
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2379
AB  - The paper addresses the beginning of brandy distillation in the Ottoman Balkan, the transfer of technology, commerce and taxation, as well as patterns of consumption. Those patterns include rules of alcohol production, distribution and use according to religion, class and gender, i.e. restrictions and their transgressions. Linguistic, documentary and narrative sources are deployed in building a multifaceted picture. Production of various spirits, foremost plum brandy in the Ottoman Balkans, and the usage of alcohol drinks could be viewed as an area where private and public, official and clandestine, permitted and forbidden mixed and coexisted, and influenced Ottoman political and religious system.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd
T2  - Etnoantropološki problemi
T1  - Aqua vitae - Notes on Geographies of Alcohol Production and Consumption in the Ottoman Balkans
EP  - 1328
IS  - 4
SP  - 1309
VL  - 12
DO  - 10.21301/eap.v12i4.14
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Mrgić, Jelena",
year = "2017",
abstract = "The paper addresses the beginning of brandy distillation in the Ottoman Balkan, the transfer of technology, commerce and taxation, as well as patterns of consumption. Those patterns include rules of alcohol production, distribution and use according to religion, class and gender, i.e. restrictions and their transgressions. Linguistic, documentary and narrative sources are deployed in building a multifaceted picture. Production of various spirits, foremost plum brandy in the Ottoman Balkans, and the usage of alcohol drinks could be viewed as an area where private and public, official and clandestine, permitted and forbidden mixed and coexisted, and influenced Ottoman political and religious system.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd",
journal = "Etnoantropološki problemi",
title = "Aqua vitae - Notes on Geographies of Alcohol Production and Consumption in the Ottoman Balkans",
pages = "1328-1309",
number = "4",
volume = "12",
doi = "10.21301/eap.v12i4.14"
}
Mrgić, J.. (2017). Aqua vitae - Notes on Geographies of Alcohol Production and Consumption in the Ottoman Balkans. in Etnoantropološki problemi
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd., 12(4), 1309-1328.
https://doi.org/10.21301/eap.v12i4.14
Mrgić J. Aqua vitae - Notes on Geographies of Alcohol Production and Consumption in the Ottoman Balkans. in Etnoantropološki problemi. 2017;12(4):1309-1328.
doi:10.21301/eap.v12i4.14 .
Mrgić, Jelena, "Aqua vitae - Notes on Geographies of Alcohol Production and Consumption in the Ottoman Balkans" in Etnoantropološki problemi, 12, no. 4 (2017):1309-1328,
https://doi.org/10.21301/eap.v12i4.14 . .
2

Друштвена структура Призрена у 14. веку

Мишић, Синиша

(Академија наука и уметности Републике Српске, 2015)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Мишић, Синиша
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4735
AB  - Рад се бави друштвеним структурама и њиховим развојем у Призрену током 14. века. Призрен је у периоду до 1371. године био најравијенији град у унутрашњости српске државе, што је узроковало драматичан развој друштва и промене унутар појединих слојева.
AB  - Prizren  saw  a  climax  of  its  economic  and  social  development  in  the  period  from  1330.  and  1371.  At  this  time  the  most  numerous  colony  of  Dubrovnik  mer-chants worked in it.  Renowned noblemen lived in the town, as well as a big num-ber of ‘minor lords’ who had their courts in town. The Serbian ruler himself had a court in town. There was a seat of Prizren episcopy there, and from 1346. onwards of    Metropolitanate  too,  while  the  mitropolitan  was  the  most  respected  person  in  town.   Many  craftsmen,  from  goldsmiths  to  weavers  and  shoemakers,  waxers  and  bricklayers lived in the town. Although personally dependant, they were quite well off, some of them possessed fields and vineyards. Relations in terms of money and goods in the town were very well developed, while the emergence of local traders meant  the  beginning  of  creation  of  the  middle  class.  The  society  of  Prizren  at  the  time  is  dynamic  and  in  constant  change.  The  development  of  the  town  was  inter-rupted and stopped by the abrupt change of the political situation.
PB  - Академија наука и уметности Републике Српске
T2  - Зборник радова у част академику Десанки Ковачевић Којић
T1  - Друштвена структура Призрена у 14. веку
T1  - Social structure of Prizren in 14th Century
DO  - 10.7251/ZRANURS15018
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Мишић, Синиша",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Рад се бави друштвеним структурама и њиховим развојем у Призрену током 14. века. Призрен је у периоду до 1371. године био најравијенији град у унутрашњости српске државе, што је узроковало драматичан развој друштва и промене унутар појединих слојева., Prizren  saw  a  climax  of  its  economic  and  social  development  in  the  period  from  1330.  and  1371.  At  this  time  the  most  numerous  colony  of  Dubrovnik  mer-chants worked in it.  Renowned noblemen lived in the town, as well as a big num-ber of ‘minor lords’ who had their courts in town. The Serbian ruler himself had a court in town. There was a seat of Prizren episcopy there, and from 1346. onwards of    Metropolitanate  too,  while  the  mitropolitan  was  the  most  respected  person  in  town.   Many  craftsmen,  from  goldsmiths  to  weavers  and  shoemakers,  waxers  and  bricklayers lived in the town. Although personally dependant, they were quite well off, some of them possessed fields and vineyards. Relations in terms of money and goods in the town were very well developed, while the emergence of local traders meant  the  beginning  of  creation  of  the  middle  class.  The  society  of  Prizren  at  the  time  is  dynamic  and  in  constant  change.  The  development  of  the  town  was  inter-rupted and stopped by the abrupt change of the political situation.",
publisher = "Академија наука и уметности Републике Српске",
journal = "Зборник радова у част академику Десанки Ковачевић Којић",
booktitle = "Друштвена структура Призрена у 14. веку, Social structure of Prizren in 14th Century",
doi = "10.7251/ZRANURS15018"
}
Мишић, С.. (2015). Друштвена структура Призрена у 14. веку. in Зборник радова у част академику Десанки Ковачевић Којић
Академија наука и уметности Републике Српске..
https://doi.org/10.7251/ZRANURS15018
Мишић С. Друштвена структура Призрена у 14. веку. in Зборник радова у част академику Десанки Ковачевић Којић. 2015;.
doi:10.7251/ZRANURS15018 .
Мишић, Синиша, "Друштвена структура Призрена у 14. веку" in Зборник радова у част академику Десанки Ковачевић Којић (2015),
https://doi.org/10.7251/ZRANURS15018 . .

Сеоске међе у средњовековној Србији

Mišić, Siniša

(Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд, 2015)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Mišić, Siniša
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4760
AB  - Рад се бави сеоским међама у српском средњовековном друштву. Село је имало међе свог атара које су га одвајале од околних села, градова, тргова. Оне су биле неопходне и због чињенице да је село имало и неке колективне одговорности према држави (владару), па су се морале знати физичке границе те одговорности. Утутар атара села је такође било омеђено право између заједничких површина (пашњаци, воде, шуме) и обрадивих површина које су биле у власништву појединаца.
PB  - Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд
T2  - Споменица академика Милоша Благојевића  (1930-2012)
T1  - Сеоске међе у средњовековној Србији
EP  - 56
SP  - 41
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4760
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Mišić, Siniša",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Рад се бави сеоским међама у српском средњовековном друштву. Село је имало међе свог атара које су га одвајале од околних села, градова, тргова. Оне су биле неопходне и због чињенице да је село имало и неке колективне одговорности према држави (владару), па су се морале знати физичке границе те одговорности. Утутар атара села је такође било омеђено право између заједничких површина (пашњаци, воде, шуме) и обрадивих површина које су биле у власништву појединаца.",
publisher = "Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд",
journal = "Споменица академика Милоша Благојевића  (1930-2012)",
booktitle = "Сеоске међе у средњовековној Србији",
pages = "56-41",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4760"
}
Mišić, S.. (2015). Сеоске међе у средњовековној Србији. in Споменица академика Милоша Благојевића  (1930-2012)
Центар за историјску географију и историјску демографију, Филозофски факултет, Београд., 41-56.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4760
Mišić S. Сеоске међе у средњовековној Србији. in Споменица академика Милоша Благојевића  (1930-2012). 2015;:41-56.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4760 .
Mišić, Siniša, "Сеоске међе у средњовековној Србији" in Споменица академика Милоша Благојевића  (1930-2012) (2015):41-56,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4760 .

Општа Хрисовуља цара Стефана Душана Хиландару (1348. године)

Mišić, Siniša; Koprivica, Marija

(Филозофски факултет у Београду, 2015)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mišić, Siniša
AU  - Koprivica, Marija
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4704
AB  - Дипломатичкој анализи је подвргнут препис Опште хиландарске хрисовуље цара Стефана Душана. Указано је на интероплације у препусу, одступаља од дипломаричког формулара, као и повезаност овог документа са другим повељама од којих су неке спорне аутентичности или фалсификоване.  Указала се потреба и за детаљнијим прегледом  топонимије ове хрисовуље.
PB  - Филозофски факултет у Београду
PB  - Филозофски факултет у Бањој Луци
PB  - Филозофски факултет у Источном Сарајеву
PB  - Историјски архив у Чачку
T2  - Stari srpski arhiv
T1  - Општа Хрисовуља цара Стефана Душана Хиландару (1348. године)
VL  - 14
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4704
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Mišić, Siniša and Koprivica, Marija",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Дипломатичкој анализи је подвргнут препис Опште хиландарске хрисовуље цара Стефана Душана. Указано је на интероплације у препусу, одступаља од дипломаричког формулара, као и повезаност овог документа са другим повељама од којих су неке спорне аутентичности или фалсификоване.  Указала се потреба и за детаљнијим прегледом  топонимије ове хрисовуље.",
publisher = "Филозофски факултет у Београду, Филозофски факултет у Бањој Луци, Филозофски факултет у Источном Сарајеву, Историјски архив у Чачку",
journal = "Stari srpski arhiv",
title = "Општа Хрисовуља цара Стефана Душана Хиландару (1348. године)",
volume = "14",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4704"
}
Mišić, S.,& Koprivica, M.. (2015). Општа Хрисовуља цара Стефана Душана Хиландару (1348. године). in Stari srpski arhiv
Филозофски факултет у Београду., 14.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4704
Mišić S, Koprivica M. Општа Хрисовуља цара Стефана Душана Хиландару (1348. године). in Stari srpski arhiv. 2015;14.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4704 .
Mišić, Siniša, Koprivica, Marija, "Општа Хрисовуља цара Стефана Душана Хиландару (1348. године)" in Stari srpski arhiv, 14 (2015),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4704 .

Коњуси – прилог социјалној структури српског средњовековног друштва

Mišić, Siniša

(Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu, 2015)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mišić, Siniša
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4713
AB  - Рад се бави коњусима као посебном категоријом зависног становништва средњовековне Србије, која се професионално бавила узгојем и дресуром коња за јахање и војну службу. Коњуси су били ослобођени других обавеза, осим бриге о владаревим коњима. Они нису били исто што и пастири који су се бавили само напасањем кобила и приплодних коња.
Поред писаних извора, коњуси су оставили трага и у топонимији.
AB  - Th e importance of a riding war horse in medieval Serbia led to the appearance of
a separate category of dependent population, which was dealing with upbringing and
foremost with training of riding horses and war horses. Th e training lasted for three
years, from age two until fi ve. Th e category is referred to as konjus in sources. Th ey
mostly belonged to the ruler and oft en lived in separate villages, but gentry and great
monastery estates also had their konjus. Konjus were exempted from all other duties to
the ruler. When they lead ruler’s horses, they had the right to “priselica” and “obrok”.
Rulers exempted certain monastery estates from that duty. It was exemption „od konja” or „od konjuha”. Konjus must not be equated to shepherds who received material
compensation (“mesečina” and “beleg”) for grazing mares and horses and they did not
deal with training horses.
PB  - Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu
T2  - Београдски историјски гласник
T1  - Коњуси – прилог социјалној структури  српског средњовековног друштва
T1  - Konjus – Contribition to Social Structure of Serbian medievil Society
EP  - 97
IS  - 6
SP  - 91
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4713
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Mišić, Siniša",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Рад се бави коњусима као посебном категоријом зависног становништва средњовековне Србије, која се професионално бавила узгојем и дресуром коња за јахање и војну службу. Коњуси су били ослобођени других обавеза, осим бриге о владаревим коњима. Они нису били исто што и пастири који су се бавили само напасањем кобила и приплодних коња.
Поред писаних извора, коњуси су оставили трага и у топонимији., Th e importance of a riding war horse in medieval Serbia led to the appearance of
a separate category of dependent population, which was dealing with upbringing and
foremost with training of riding horses and war horses. Th e training lasted for three
years, from age two until fi ve. Th e category is referred to as konjus in sources. Th ey
mostly belonged to the ruler and oft en lived in separate villages, but gentry and great
monastery estates also had their konjus. Konjus were exempted from all other duties to
the ruler. When they lead ruler’s horses, they had the right to “priselica” and “obrok”.
Rulers exempted certain monastery estates from that duty. It was exemption „od konja” or „od konjuha”. Konjus must not be equated to shepherds who received material
compensation (“mesečina” and “beleg”) for grazing mares and horses and they did not
deal with training horses.",
publisher = "Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu",
journal = "Београдски историјски гласник",
title = "Коњуси – прилог социјалној структури  српског средњовековног друштва, Konjus – Contribition to Social Structure of Serbian medievil Society",
pages = "97-91",
number = "6",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4713"
}
Mišić, S.. (2015). Коњуси – прилог социјалној структури  српског средњовековног друштва. in Београдски историјски гласник
Odeljenje za istoriju - Filozofski fakultet -Univerzitet u Beogradu.(6), 91-97.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4713
Mišić S. Коњуси – прилог социјалној структури  српског средњовековног друштва. in Београдски историјски гласник. 2015;(6):91-97.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4713 .
Mišić, Siniša, "Коњуси – прилог социјалној структури  српског средњовековног друштва" in Београдски историјски гласник, no. 6 (2015):91-97,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4713 .

Инокосне породице и задруге у средњовековној Србији

Mišić, Siniša

(Завичајни музеј Пљевља, 2015)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mišić, Siniša
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/4722
AB  - Рад се бави структуром српске породице у позном средњем веку, углавном на основу дипломатичких и османских извора. Српска
породица се у овом периоду јавља у два вида организовања: као инокосна
и као задружна. Задруге су углавном мале и преовлађују очинске и братске
задруге, што има везе и са дужином живота у средњем веку.
AB  - In the medieval Serbian state, the family or house as it appears in sources,
was the basic unit of society. It could be solitary or communal. Ву analyzing primary diplomatic documents and the first Ottoman defters, we can see that about
a quarter of the population lived in solitary families. More than half the families
that lived communally did so in small communes of two to three members. Almost all of these communes were either father-son family communes or fratemal
communes. Primary resources show only a small number of large communes.
Solitary and communal families were present in the aristocracy, as well as
among the common (land-bound) population. The structure of the families does
not have апу bearing on status. Solitary families could be found anywhere,
whereas the characteristics of communal families are the same among the aristocracy, the land serfs, minders, priesthood, members of guilds or fishermen. A
notable difference is among the Vlach population where there was a higher than
usual number of young men joining their wives' families. This was a result of
the attempt of the land-working population to gain status of animal herdsman,
as it was considered more advantageous.
PB  - Завичајни музеј Пљевља
T2  - Гласник Завичајног музеја
T1  - Инокосне породице и задруге у средњовековној Србији
T1  - Solitary and communal families in Medieval Serbia
EP  - 28
SP  - 9
VL  - 10/11
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4722
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Mišić, Siniša",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Рад се бави структуром српске породице у позном средњем веку, углавном на основу дипломатичких и османских извора. Српска
породица се у овом периоду јавља у два вида организовања: као инокосна
и као задружна. Задруге су углавном мале и преовлађују очинске и братске
задруге, што има везе и са дужином живота у средњем веку., In the medieval Serbian state, the family or house as it appears in sources,
was the basic unit of society. It could be solitary or communal. Ву analyzing primary diplomatic documents and the first Ottoman defters, we can see that about
a quarter of the population lived in solitary families. More than half the families
that lived communally did so in small communes of two to three members. Almost all of these communes were either father-son family communes or fratemal
communes. Primary resources show only a small number of large communes.
Solitary and communal families were present in the aristocracy, as well as
among the common (land-bound) population. The structure of the families does
not have апу bearing on status. Solitary families could be found anywhere,
whereas the characteristics of communal families are the same among the aristocracy, the land serfs, minders, priesthood, members of guilds or fishermen. A
notable difference is among the Vlach population where there was a higher than
usual number of young men joining their wives' families. This was a result of
the attempt of the land-working population to gain status of animal herdsman,
as it was considered more advantageous.",
publisher = "Завичајни музеј Пљевља",
journal = "Гласник Завичајног музеја",
title = "Инокосне породице и задруге у средњовековној Србији, Solitary and communal families in Medieval Serbia",
pages = "28-9",
volume = "10/11",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4722"
}
Mišić, S.. (2015). Инокосне породице и задруге у средњовековној Србији. in Гласник Завичајног музеја
Завичајни музеј Пљевља., 10/11, 9-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4722
Mišić S. Инокосне породице и задруге у средњовековној Србији. in Гласник Завичајног музеја. 2015;10/11:9-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4722 .
Mišić, Siniša, "Инокосне породице и задруге у средњовековној Србији" in Гласник Завичајног музеја, 10/11 (2015):9-28,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_reff_4722 .

The Serbian family in the late Middle ages

Mišić, Siniša

(Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd, 2015)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mišić, Siniša
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://reff.f.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/2099
AB  - Marriage in Serbia in the middle ages was conducted only between persons belonging to the same social class. It was arranged and the woman would bring a dowry which would be controlled by the husband as long as the marriage lasted. Male children would inherit their father. Daughters played a significant role in connecting families through marriage. A man, unlike a woman would not bear any consequences in case of adultery. The consequence of this was a large number of extramarital children. In the Serbian state in the middle ages the family, or the, "home" (kuca as it is named in sources), was the basic unit of society. The family could be nuclear or cooperative. Through the analysis of diplomatic data, as well as the first Turkish books - defters, one can see that one quarter of the population lived in nuclear families. More than half of the families which lived in cooperative arrangements were made up of small cooperatives numbering no more than two or three members. Almost all cooperative families were made up of father-son or brotherly cooperatives. The type of cooperative was largely influenced by the length of life or the capability of giving birth. The source material shows a small number of large cooperatives. Nuclear families and cooperative families are present in both the nobility and the small folk (dependents). There is no difference in the family structure with regard to social status. Nuclear families are omnipresent, and the characteristics of cooperative families are the same in nobility, serfs, sokalniks (a class a little above the serfs, who were most often servants, with certain privileges), priests, repairmen or fishermen. The difference is seen only within the Vlach population where in the cooperative there are more sons in law than in other populations. This is the result of an attempt of an agrarian population to move toward the status of herdsmen which was more favorable for them.
AB  - Рад се бави историјом српске породице у позном средњем веку. На
основу правних и других извора говори се о склапању брака, његовим правним
нормама, деци и раскиду брачне заједнице. Истражен је и карактер породица
(инокосне, задружне), пре свега на основу дипломатичког материјала који нам је
стајао на располагању.
AB  - La communauté matrimoniale dans la Serbie médiévale était contractée exclusivement entre des personnes du même ordre. Le mariage était arrangé, et la
femme apportait une dot dont le mari disposait au cours du mariage. Les enfants
mâles recevaient l’héritage à la mort du père. Par leur mariage les filles jouaient
un rôle important dans la création des liens entre les familles. À la différence de
la femme, l’homme ne subissait aucune conséquence de l’adultère. Il en résulte
un grand nombre d’enfants naturels.
Dans l’état médiéval serbe, la famille ou la „ maison “, comme on l’appelle
dans les sources, était l’unité fondamentale de la société. Elle pouvait être nucléaire ou organisée en zadruga. Par l’analyse des documents médiévaux officiels, ainsi que des premiers registres turcs, il s’avère qu’un quart de la population vivait dans des familles nucléaires. Plus de la moitié des familles qui
vivent en zadrugas constituent de petites zadrugas entre deux et trois membres.
Presque toutes ces zadrugas sont ou des zadrugas de pères et de fils ou celles
des frères. Le type de zadruga est grandement influencé par la durée de la vie et
la capacité de procréer. Les sources primaires rendent compte d’un petit nombre
de grandes zadrugas.
Les familles nucléaires et les zadrugas sont présentes aussi bien chez les
nobles, que chez les petites gens (population dépendante). Dans la structure des
familles il n’y a pas de grande différence en fonction de leur statut. La famille
nucléaire existe partout, et les caractéristiques des familles de type de zadruga
sont les mêmes chez les nobles, les serfs, les serviteurs, les curés, les artisans
ou les pêcheurs. La différence est perceptible uniquement dans la population
valaque où dans les zadrugas les gendres sont plus présents que dans le reste de
la population. C’est le résultat des tentatives des agriculteurs de passer au statut
d’éleveurs plus favorable pour eux.
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd
T2  - Etnoantropološki problemi
T1  - The Serbian family in the late Middle ages
T1  - Српска породица у позном Средњем веку
T1  - La famille serbe dans le Moyen Âge tardif
EP  - 381
IS  - 2
SP  - 357
VL  - 10
DO  - 10.21301/eap.v10i2.4
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Mišić, Siniša",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Marriage in Serbia in the middle ages was conducted only between persons belonging to the same social class. It was arranged and the woman would bring a dowry which would be controlled by the husband as long as the marriage lasted. Male children would inherit their father. Daughters played a significant role in connecting families through marriage. A man, unlike a woman would not bear any consequences in case of adultery. The consequence of this was a large number of extramarital children. In the Serbian state in the middle ages the family, or the, "home" (kuca as it is named in sources), was the basic unit of society. The family could be nuclear or cooperative. Through the analysis of diplomatic data, as well as the first Turkish books - defters, one can see that one quarter of the population lived in nuclear families. More than half of the families which lived in cooperative arrangements were made up of small cooperatives numbering no more than two or three members. Almost all cooperative families were made up of father-son or brotherly cooperatives. The type of cooperative was largely influenced by the length of life or the capability of giving birth. The source material shows a small number of large cooperatives. Nuclear families and cooperative families are present in both the nobility and the small folk (dependents). There is no difference in the family structure with regard to social status. Nuclear families are omnipresent, and the characteristics of cooperative families are the same in nobility, serfs, sokalniks (a class a little above the serfs, who were most often servants, with certain privileges), priests, repairmen or fishermen. The difference is seen only within the Vlach population where in the cooperative there are more sons in law than in other populations. This is the result of an attempt of an agrarian population to move toward the status of herdsmen which was more favorable for them., Рад се бави историјом српске породице у позном средњем веку. На
основу правних и других извора говори се о склапању брака, његовим правним
нормама, деци и раскиду брачне заједнице. Истражен је и карактер породица
(инокосне, задружне), пре свега на основу дипломатичког материјала који нам је
стајао на располагању., La communauté matrimoniale dans la Serbie médiévale était contractée exclusivement entre des personnes du même ordre. Le mariage était arrangé, et la
femme apportait une dot dont le mari disposait au cours du mariage. Les enfants
mâles recevaient l’héritage à la mort du père. Par leur mariage les filles jouaient
un rôle important dans la création des liens entre les familles. À la différence de
la femme, l’homme ne subissait aucune conséquence de l’adultère. Il en résulte
un grand nombre d’enfants naturels.
Dans l’état médiéval serbe, la famille ou la „ maison “, comme on l’appelle
dans les sources, était l’unité fondamentale de la société. Elle pouvait être nucléaire ou organisée en zadruga. Par l’analyse des documents médiévaux officiels, ainsi que des premiers registres turcs, il s’avère qu’un quart de la population vivait dans des familles nucléaires. Plus de la moitié des familles qui
vivent en zadrugas constituent de petites zadrugas entre deux et trois membres.
Presque toutes ces zadrugas sont ou des zadrugas de pères et de fils ou celles
des frères. Le type de zadruga est grandement influencé par la durée de la vie et
la capacité de procréer. Les sources primaires rendent compte d’un petit nombre
de grandes zadrugas.
Les familles nucléaires et les zadrugas sont présentes aussi bien chez les
nobles, que chez les petites gens (population dépendante). Dans la structure des
familles il n’y a pas de grande différence en fonction de leur statut. La famille
nucléaire existe partout, et les caractéristiques des familles de type de zadruga
sont les mêmes chez les nobles, les serfs, les serviteurs, les curés, les artisans
ou les pêcheurs. La différence est perceptible uniquement dans la population
valaque où dans les zadrugas les gendres sont plus présents que dans le reste de
la population. C’est le résultat des tentatives des agriculteurs de passer au statut
d’éleveurs plus favorable pour eux.",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd",
journal = "Etnoantropološki problemi",
title = "The Serbian family in the late Middle ages, Српска породица у позном Средњем веку, La famille serbe dans le Moyen Âge tardif",
pages = "381-357",
number = "2",
volume = "10",
doi = "10.21301/eap.v10i2.4"
}
Mišić, S.. (2015). The Serbian family in the late Middle ages. in Etnoantropološki problemi
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Filozofski fakultet - Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju, Beograd., 10(2), 357-381.
https://doi.org/10.21301/eap.v10i2.4
Mišić S. The Serbian family in the late Middle ages. in Etnoantropološki problemi. 2015;10(2):357-381.
doi:10.21301/eap.v10i2.4 .
Mišić, Siniša, "The Serbian family in the late Middle ages" in Etnoantropološki problemi, 10, no. 2 (2015):357-381,
https://doi.org/10.21301/eap.v10i2.4 . .
1