Томаш Гариг Масарик и стварање Југославије

Abstract

У чланку се истражује улога Томаша Гарига Масарика у стварању југословенског покрета и државе, од његовог првог скупштин ског говора 1892. до краја Првог светског рата 1918. године. Прати се нарочито Масариково деловање у време Загребачког и Фридјунговог процеса 1909. и покушаја преговора између Аустроугарске и Србије о мирном решењу сукоба у северној Албанији. Проучавају се, потом, Масарикова улога и његови ставови у сукобима између српске владе Николе Пашића и Југословенског одбора, британских пропагандиста и српске опозиције за време Првог свет ског рата, по питању уређења будуће југословенске државе. Дат је и осврт на однос Масарика, као председника Чехословачке, према Краљевини СХС и Југославији.

Ever since his fi rst parliamentary speech, Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk’s political career was directly related to the South Slav question. He always interpreted it through the question of the unifi cation of the Czechs and Slovaks. At the same time, he kept changing his views on the methods of political struggle, ways of unifi cation, and even on the very survival of the Dual Monarchy. Nevertheless, pragmatism remained his political feature until the very end. Convinced from the beginning that all peoples have the “natural”, democratic right to self-determination, during the First World War Masaryk mostly referred to geopolitical arguments concerning the need to restrain Germany, but also Russia, with the zone of independent national states in Eastern Europe. Masaryk professed “realism” in both domestic and foreign policy. Before the First World War, during the Zagreb Process and especially during the Friedjung Process, and the negotiations with Austria-Hungary in 1912, Masaryk provided support and assistance to the Serbs. His infl uence and popularity were more evident among the Serbs and Croats in Austria-Hungary than in Serbia. Serbian statesmen expressed some caution about him. Aft er 1914, Masaryk relied on Serbian help. In the political confl icts between the Serbian government and the Croatian and Slovenian emigrants, which accompanied the unifi cation process, he tried to stay aside. Masaryk’s success, however, largely depended on his cooperation with pro-Croatian British propagandists Seton-Watson and Steed. Probably that is why he accepted the federalist and even the dualistic form of Yugoslav unifi cation, as opposed to the centralism advocated by the Serbian government. On the other hand, contrary to the demands of Trumbić and the Yugoslav Committee, he advocated Serbia’s precedence in the future Yugoslav state and showed understanding for Italy’s territorial pretentions over the eastern Adriatic coastlands. In order to avoid Serbo-Croatian confl icts and fi nd practical solutions, he tended to take vague and, at fi rst glance, even contradictory stands. Even though he accepted the idea of one three-named nation, he advocated a federation; he believed in the Serbianhood of Bosnian Muslims and the people of Dubrovnik and demanded Bosnia, Herzegovina and Dalmatia to be incorporated into Croatia; he demanded Serbia’s precedence in the future Yugoslav state and suggested that the Serbs, living in the territory west of the Drina river, should be included in the Croatian administrative unit. However, when the Yugoslav state was formed on the basis of centralism, he did not interfere in its internal aff airs. As the president of Czechoslovakia, he remained its pragmatic and loyal, as he himself noted down, “friend and ally”.